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Africa: Devastating Moments For Us All

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Professor Ademola Dasylva At 70: A Labourer In The Vineyard

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Toyin Falola

For anyone conversant with the African narrative, be they students of African history, representatives of foreign interests, news/information enthusiasts, or Africans themselves who have lived this experience, it is no secret that the continent has been a theatre for the expression of great human suffering. Africa, at least from the fifteenth century (1400-1500)—delineated amongst historians as the beginning of modern times—has been embroiled in one form of humanitarian disaster or another. Beginning with the sale of Africans as human chattels prior to colonization, the continent and its peoples have also had to live through the inhumanities of colonialism, the bitter struggles for independence from European colonial subjugation, and post-independence schisms arising mostly from attempts to create nations out of the ethnocultural and religious kaleidoscopes that typify the average inherited colonial state.

Although most of post-independence Africa has been dominated by an unsuccessful struggle to achieve the modest goals of political stability, economic prosperity, and development laid out in the liberation manifestos of nationalist leaders and revised by subsequent governments, the new millennium (2000) brought certain developments that gave hope to and convinced spectators and stakeholders alike that the continent was approaching a new dawn. However, these developments, which were evident in the appreciation of the per capita figures of certain African economies, an increasing transition from despotic to democratic governments, and in the successful resolution of some of Africa’s protracted conflicts, did not mean the disappearance of underlying factors like poverty, ethnic divisions, climate change, and bad governance. It was taken as an indication that Africa had turned a corner in its development journey, with better prospects for the future. Hence, for a period, especially with the economic revolutions inspired by the proliferation of communications technology (internet) on the continent, this vision of a transformed Africa seemed even more viable.

Unfortunately for Africa, the question of good governance has persistently remained an albatross to political and economic advancement and growth sustainability on the continent. For a region endowed with enough human and material resources to emerge as one of, if not the most, prosperous region of the world, Africa has not been so lucky with the crop of leaders who have managed its affairs. The continent has witnessed a combination of authoritarian dispensations with their characteristic despotic, sit-tight leaders, and other democratic kleptocracies manned by “fantastically corrupt” presidents. As a result, not only has the continent been unable to utilize its resources to attain its development potential, but the said resources have turned around to become a curse on the African people, also attracting the worst kind of characters to its shores.

READ ALSO: Kukah Right On Buhari, Boko Haram – Ortom

With the rampant cases of selfish and visionless leadership, governance in Africa has become a practice in divisions, victimization, alienation, and marginalization. To perpetuate themselves in office, power-mongering and kleptomaniacal African leaders have organized and supervised reigns of terror, heavily suppressing dissents and ruling as kings at the expense of mobilizing social energies towards combating the ever-present threats of poverty and conflict, which are further worsened by population explosion and climatic changes. Starved of critical investments by these larcenous tendencies, the strategic institutions of already fragile, colonially inherited African states have begun to collapse, resulting in limited government coverage and failing states. Thus, Africans, and the rest of the world, have had to watch as what seemed to be a revolution in Africa’s social, economic, and political fortunes at the turn of the millennium gradually take a downward turn.

Continuing on an economically fragile and politically precarious state, it was only a matter of time before all the (negative) actions and inactions (failures) of government tipped the balance over towards anarchy. This was brought on by a convergence of certain factors, some of which were foreseeable and others that can be summed up as coincidences or acts of providence. In the case of the foreseeable, there is the issue of endemic poverty, a growing population of young, unemployed, dissatisfied, and restive people, and that of limited government will, capacity, and coverage (failing states). Whereas the latter borders on issues of climatic changes (global warming) with its attendant environmental pressures, the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) backed overthrow of the regime of the late Libyan president, Muammar Gaddafi, and the 2012 uprising in Mali.

Though there were some warning indications of impending crisis, such as the growing exodus of young Africans through the Sahara and across the Mediterranean to Europe, as well as other minor cases of xenophobic expressions, particularly in South Africa, things started to come to a head in Africa, perceptibly from 2009. And for deducible reasons, countries both in and bordering the Sahelian regions were worst hit by the crisis. Stretching from the Red Sea in the East to the Atlantic coast in the West, this (Sahelian) region which comprises parts of Eritrea, Sudan, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria, is known to contain some of the world’s poorest countries according to the UN Development Index. Niger is at the bottom position, with Chad, Burkina Faso, and Mali ranking directly above it.

READ ALSO: A Conversation With Prof. Carlson Anyangwe On “The War In The Cameroons”

Outside the endemic poverty, lack of education, employment opportunities and state presence, which made it easy for armed groups to recruit and thrive in these areas, the regime change in Libya and the uprising in Northern Mali in 2012 worsened the security situation in most of the region. In Mali, the armed groups that emerged in areas neglected by the state for decades, took advantage of available recruits and today have increased their ranks, spreading conflict and violence to the central regions of the country and spilling over to neighboring Burkina Faso and the Niger Republic. Also, the impact of climate change on the region and livelihoods of about 50 million livestock herders, which has instigated increased farmer-herder clashes, has resulted in scores of people being killed and millions displaced.

In Nigeria in 2002, what began as a clampdown by government security agencies on a “radicalizing” Islamic sect led by an obscure Islamic cleric named Mohammed Yusuf, and comprised mainly of “poor Muslim families from across Nigeria and neighboring countries,” grew into a full-fledged insurgency by 2009. This rebel group, which came to be known as “Boko Haram,” gained notoriety for its disavowal of the canons of Western civilization. This was backed up with a repudiation of the Nigerian state, the sacking of its north-eastern towns, and the mass slaughter of its inhabitants. Since 2009, the sect, Boko Haram, has claimed responsibility for the deaths of tens of thousands of Nigerian citizens and the displacement of millions.

By 2014, the armed conflict in North-East Nigeria between security forces and non-state armed groups, with ties to ISIL and factions like IS West African Province (ISWAP), had spread to neighboring countries, drawing Cameroon, Niger, and Chad into the conflict. The devastating impact of this conflict on the region is perhaps best captured in Cameroon, where the schism in areas bordering Nigeria and Cameroon, coupled with pre-existing unrests between the French-speaking north-western regions and the English-Speaking south-west, has resulted in massive destabilization in the country. By 2018, the violence in Cameroon had led to the displacement of an estimated 437,000 Cameroonians, with about 30,000 refugees crossing over into Nigeria.

READ ALSO: Boko Haram Kills Seven Soldiers, Injures Others In Cameroon

This interconnected conflict between the countries of the Sahel belt has continuously expanded in scale and scope of devastation over the years, especially between 2018 and the present. It has also risen to the status of “one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises,” especially owing to the growing difficulty for humanitarian groups to generate the capacity (funds) to mitigate its impacts. Hence, in the meantime, tens of thousands of refugees across the region continue to live in displacement, unable to return home due to the persistent situation of insecurity.

The more recent conflicts in Ethiopia between state security forces and the “rebel” Tigrayan region, as well as the rioting in Southern Africa over the arrest of former President Zuma, cannot be separated from the aforementioned underlying factors: poor governance practices, high youth unemployment rates, climatic changes, and debilitating poverty. In Ethiopia, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the front-line unit defending the interests of Tigrayans (the third largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, making 67 percent of the population), was formed in the mid-1970s in reaction to allegations of marginalization. Additionally, the ongoing war between the TPLF and the central government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is an outcome of the latter’s ambition to suppress the former by diminishing its power and political influence. As it stands, the conflict has not only claimed the lives of thousands of civilians while displacing over a million but also ridden with allegations of sexual violence and other atrocities.

READ ALSO: The Ambazonia Independence Movement In Cameroon: Agitations And Lessons

Another evidence of the tragedy of governance in Africa is the pro-Zuma rioting in South Africa. This is a classic African scenario where the leader of a multi-national state takes advantage of the teeming number of unemployed youths amongst his sub-national group and develops a cult-like following. He allows this group the best benefits of his administration, and in return, he gets unquestioned allegiance, even against the general interest of the federation. Unfortunately, this is not peculiar to South Africa alone. Spread around Africa and prominent practice in northern Nigeria, it is considered within African “democratic” circles as a necessary political arsenal for any candidate hoping to run on the platform of any major political party.

Africa in 2021 is a cause for worry for everyone interested in the peace and prosperity of the continent. Almost everywhere one turns, a conflict is happening or waiting to unfold. Daily reports of deaths and numerous forms of human suffering steadily plague the senses of all who call it home. Indeed, this has become a devastating period for everyone, especially after emerging out of the scourge of a global pandemic that is yet threatening to make a comeback. In today’s Africa, the streets are no longer safe; children live in fear and danger of a bleak future; people’s identities are redefined as they flee from war, roaming the world as unwanted and unwelcomed aliens.

To reflect on how far we have come and how much efforts have been invested to see Africa rise and remain standing, only to watch it all fall apart again before our very eyes, is heart-wrenching—a thing that would break lesser men and women. However, are we lesser men? This is one question that providence seems to want us to answer again, after many occasions. We have come to a point where we must acknowledge that much more is required, notwithstanding the numerous sacrifices we have made. With the fragments of our broken hearts in our hands, we are obliged to rebuild, and we must rebuild because now is the time to build and not to tear down. The alternative is to sit and watch our beloved and beautiful Africa die—from numerous blows dealt by division, hatred, poverty, war, and hunger.

 

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.

Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.

Thabo Mbeki

To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.

Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.

Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.

Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.

It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).

The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.

More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.

For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.

This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.

PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

 

 

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Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

 By Leo Igwe

As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.

I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.

I arrived in Singapore on August 29 after a 17-hour flight with a short transit in Doha, feeling tired, and overwhelmed but also excited. It was my first visit to Singapore, a country, that I have heard about so much. In less than 24 hours, it was obvious to me that it was a worthwhile trip. I was greatly pleased by what I saw, and how things worked. I was happy that Singapore had a humanist society that was robust enough to organize a General Assembly. Kudos to the organisers.
The second day I joined a tour that focused on harmony in diversity. We visited buildings, streets, and places that told stories of how Singapore had managed to maintain harmony despite its diverse racial, ethnic, and religious heritage. I was surprised to know that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion. Some friends from the region told us not to interpret the no-religion category the same way it is done in the West. Muslims who felt they were not fulfilling their religious obligations could identify as having no religion. Whatever the case, that no religion category offered some hope for freedom and humanity.
An attendee from Malaysia noted something interesting during the tour. He stated that, if by any chance a public presentation was made in Malaysia indicating that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion, some riot would break out. Thank goodness, it was in Singapore!
On the second day, there was a conference on secularism and interfaith harmony. Humanists, some ‘liberal’ Muslims, and other stakeholders in interfaith relations discussed the challenge of forging interfaith harmony in Singapore. It was encouraging to hear how some brave individuals were pushing boundaries and navigating risky religious terrain in the country that seemed committed to being a shining example of religious tolerance and interfaith harmony in the region. There is still a lot of work to be done in furtherance of freedom of religion or belief and in combating extreme religious ideas. I heard about the country’s religious rehabilitation project and was concerned. I wondered about its impact on religious and belief freedoms.
From all I witnessed at this event, there is hope for humanity in Singapore. The country could one day become a regional hub for humanism and freethought. There is a bright future for secularism in South Asia/Pacific. The international humanist movement should help local humanists realize this future. In a region where some countries regard atheists as terrorists, and people who renounce their religion, Islam in particular, risk being attacked, killed, or imprisoned, humanism could become a force for good, and Singapore a symbol of hope and progress.

 Igwe,PhD,  is a board member of Humanists International, UK.

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 10):  Politics And Its Dirty Deuces

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

One reason politics is often branded a dirty enterprise is its susceptibility to being wielded as a weapon of destruction. In every country, politics remains dangerous–both as an instrument of construction and destruction. When in alignment with powerful cliques or caucuses, it is often used to elevate individuals and catapult them to greater heights. This is because politicians can access tools to advance such intentions, which they deploy at their will. Anyone who has attained some level of progress or growth can be said to have benefited from the good side of politics. Even if politics is not directly responsible for their success, they must have escaped its destructive hands,

However, when those who wield political power decide to do so, they may become harsh to their targets and exploit their victim’s vulnerability until it brings about their downfall. Thus, it can be inferred that those who have experienced the challenges of life irreparably may have been victims of political forces who wanted them dealt with. This does not imply that all personal problems result from political forces. Still, it does suggest that the inability to overcome such challenges may often be attributable to it. Follow me.

Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki.

The South African experience is telling of the above dynamics. Independence was begrudged to the country by those who had not only earlier imagined that they would hold political power for a very long time but had also consolidated their conception of South Africans as shadows of themselves through the oppressive character of their political system. However, through the bold resistance led by the country’s liberator and other dedicated South Africans, their independence became inevitable–and very fast at that.

Although the domination of colonies by the imperialists was purely for exploitation, it was also inspired by the assumption that the colonized were sub-humans and inferior to them. This contemptuous belief permeated all aspects of their existence, so much so that even the colonized began to internalize these misconceptions at some point. However, once South Africans became strong enough to challenge the foundations of apartheid and colonialism, upholders of that exploitative system responded with attempts to tear down the anti-colonialism efforts. They sought to destroy the integrity of the frontiers of independence advocacy by investing in slander and character assassination campaigns against them.

The first missile in the arsenal of European imperialists, who had long held political power in Africa, was to tarnish the reputation and character of the newly elected Black leaders. They aimed to downplay the importance of self-rule or amplify the unfounded assumption that Black people were not intelligent enough to govern themselves. This became the most potent instrument with which they could destabilize the country and justify the various instances of oppression that they had institutionalized for centuries.

On the assumption of office by the Black leaders, led by Nelson Mandela, the first series of allegations was corruption and abuse of power. The imperialists believed that if they amplified the accusations of misappropriation against these leaders, they could erode their credibility and create enough instability to derail their leadership. This strategy was intended to distract the Black leaders and drag them into a political quagmire. Remarkably, Mandela did not give this distraction the anticipated attention because he understood the underlying politics that produced the hate. He knew the allegations were made maliciously to castrate their political and leadership power and render them useless in the general scheme of things. However, it became crucial for these leaders to clear the air and dismantle the negative perceptions deliberately created as a trap.

Whether truthful or not, it became evident that the masterminds behind these unfounded allegations were mindless about the veracity of their claims. Their goal was to continue with specific authority such that anyone who listened to their claims would be whitewashed to see things from their prejudiced perspective. This explains why the accusers continue to brandish the media to change the narrative about the incorruptibility of emerging African leaders.

Thabo Mbeki recounts how they faced baseless accusations, such as money laundering from buying specific necessities for the country. These claims were unfounded but also malicious and dangerous, lacking any evidence to back them up. Mbeki intones that despite correcting these dangerous narratives, they were not given the necessary attention as the accusers kept running to the media to lend credibility to their allegations.

However, Mbeki and his leadership team did not allow this to sway them, fully aware of their responsibilities and the intent behind these attacks. They discovered that the erstwhile political overlords intended to destroy the integrity of the new African leaders, sowing doubt among the people so that they could reconsider having white leaders remain in critical positions. Where possible, the imperialists wanted to retain their dominance and continue to exploit the people who had long suffered under colonial rule.

Meanwhile, an investigative body established to conduct independent findings found no evidence to substantiate the allegations and could not come up with anything to indict the leaders. Mbeki mentions that the dirty politics of deliberately trashing the reputation of the emerging Black African leaders was designed to achieve different objectives. For one, the former rulers feared that the new government would confront and expose the destructive legacies initiated by the earlier white leaders during apartheid. Fearing accountability for their past wrongdoings, they resorted to aggressively spreading fake information to mischaracterize the African leaders in the new world.

The reconfiguration of human society into a default setting, especially after enduring rounds of brutal, exclusionary leadership, was ultimately tricky and complex for people to understand. It requires immense sacrifice and the willingness to endure character assassination and negative portrayals. The emerging Black leaders in South Africa recognized this potential and accepted the responsibility of being the first African leaders in a postcolonial context. Their commitment to bring about change was rooted in the understanding that unless people stood up to the colonial imperialists–who were relentlessly focused on exploiting both the people and resources–there was a high possibility that the oppressive leadership style of the former white rulers would continue.

Mbeki believes that the redemption of their name lies in the hands of the masses, who have been tremendously helpful during their journey to South Africa’s future. He is convinced that people understand and identify with their struggles. While the campaign of calumny may be spread by the people for provincial objectives, the foundation of their society must be built on truth. Unwavering truthfulness protects their integrity in the eyes of the people.

Honesty is the key to winning the hearts of the masses who have faced detrimental challenges in deciding who truly represents their interests. Mbeki understands that the masses have faced a flood of misinformation about them, especially the baseless accusations of misappropriating public funds. However, he trusts in the people’s ability to see through the tactics of the oppressors who have long endangered them through exploitation. Despite how fast contemptuous information spread, they needed to continue the path of their actions to restore the glory of the country that had been severely bastardized. Black leaders in South Africa have faced numerous challenges, but none as damaging as the displaced and recurring accusations of misappropriating public funds.

 PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

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