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The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 6): Developmentalism And Economic Justice

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

As the 20th century announced its permanent departure, African leaders became apprehensive and positively so. The continent had experienced destabilizing economic tides, largely due to the not-so-palatable input of the Western global capitalism who plunged and extracted Africa’s resources to the brink of collapse. However, the new dawn following the dark era of colonialism and its aftermath presented new opportunities. African leaders were now expected to make realistic plans to safeguard their people from potential economic disasters that might persist into the next decades.

Thabo Mbeki highlights the proactive role of African leaders in seeking domestic and international support for the revival and rejuvenation of the African economy. The leaders spoke about leveraging their positions to galvanize necessary support from international institutions, demonstrating their unwavering commitment and discipline. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was deployed as the agency through which they could initiate recovery plans. Bold policies were implemented to attract the private sector to play crucial roles in their economic retrieval plans. This proactive approach saw the persistent projection of African core economic and financial crises where necessary, with a view to encouraging resourceful ideas from allies who could help address their existential problems.

Thabo Mbeki

Mbeki intones that the first critical point of agreement among the leaders was the need to ensure peace across every part of the continent. This was premised on the conviction that economic recovery holds greater potential only in a peaceful environment. In essence, conflict, strife, controversy, and crime are naturally repellent to progress. Therefore, for Africa to secure a place on the global stage, where economic power and growth are cardinal, it needed to avoid the disruptions and setbacks caused by various altercations. The efforts demonstrated by African leaders immediately following the 20th century clearly indicated that they belonged to the same school of philosophical thought. This was underpinned by their common desire to rid the continent of poverty and introduce great ideas that would restore economic justice to people who had previously faced significant challenges. These leaders understood that peace is essential for the possibility of attaining unfettered democracy, as it creates an atmosphere for the exchange of ideas and values to the extent that they would add impact to people and their undertakings. Mbeki is very committed to such an engagement, driven by the belief that South Africans deserved the quality of life that had been earlier denied to them because of apartheid.

In their sagacity, African leaders concluded that the best way to improve the conditions of the continent was by enhancing the quality of life. They recognized that one of the most effective ways to actualize economic justice was to ensure that individuals were equipped with the mental resources needed to thrive and become more influential wherever they found themselves. The assemblage of these leaders led to the implementation of the right ideas and policies aimed at the reorientation of Africans about themselves, their continent, and how they interact with others. However, this would remain elusive if they did not harness their internal potential to their advantage. The leaders understood that African values needed to be strengthened to prepare the people for the world’s challenges and issues. Consequently, they promoted an attitude that could positively and productively transform lives. Before realizing such lofty ambitions, the leaders also understood the importance of prioritizing their people by ensuring access to a quality life, improved standards of living, and institutional benefits.

While it is the citizens’ responsibility to make themselves valuable, the government’s role is to provide the institutional benefits necessary to help them become responsible individuals. Interestingly, the African leaders were ready to do even more. Mbeki understands that while a larger percentage of Africa was subjected to colonial destruction, different colonies nursed variegated pains. In the case of South Africa, for example, it is common knowledge that the dispossession of their lands and immobile resources led to a significant reduction in the quality of life for the South African people. The forced takeover of their land and the implementation of hostile and horrific policies changed the course of all Black South African people. To change that fate, it was imperative that they urgently find ways to reclaim their land on a large scale, and their resources must also be kept in their hands for good. This would create an environment for the rejuvenation of their economic power and, by extension, restore their lost glory.

Although Mbeki’s focus is primarily on the South African people, he also envisions similar things to be replicated across different African countries, believing that such measures would bring about economic emancipation and make the people relevant in the scheme of things. In ways that no one would have imagined, African leaders began their efforts earnestly, bringing renewed hope to Africa by repudiating the hegemonic economic policies that had previously stifled their progress. With access to land and basic amenities, the people embarked on a journey toward quality existence, supported by helpful leaders committed to accompanying them on that journey.

Mbeki reveals that while the above plans hold great promise for African emancipation and liberation, they can be complemented by a more important strategy that would accelerate their rise to prominence. Immediately after the world entered the 21st century, the culture of globalization became pronounced, driven by the emergence of technologies that collapsed physical boundaries and created boundless virtual geography. It was like an epiphany for Africans, as they were not only experiencing the independence of their countries from the imperial Europeans but also being ushered into a new world of technology where connectivity and interactions are possible and unrestrained.

Regrettably, Africans were not actively involved in this technological transformation because they were not particularly instrumental in the development of technologies that necessitated it. Nevertheless, they had to prepare for life in a digital world. Pre-empting this possibility was what informed the African leaders of the time to incorporate digital programs into their activities, ensuring that Africans could navigate their existence in the digital realm just like their counterparts. This was underscored by the awareness that in a digital society, people could engage in economic activities and earn from it, strengthen their social interactions to create lasting networks, and pursue their ambition more effectively, which laid the foundation for their organizational behavior.

For Mbeki, one of the most critical steps the government needed to take was implementing policies aimed at the eradication of poverty in the country. He believes that unless poverty is reduced to the barest minimum, racism and discrimination will continue unabated in the country. To confront the problems that could arise from economic disparity, it was essential to integrate South Africans into the economic structures of society so that they could access the necessary resources to lift themselves out of poverty. With this, it was non-negotiable that Black South Africans be brought back to the table to bridge the gap created by the apartheid regime.

Previously, developmental opportunities were distributed without fairness, and the deliberate disarticulation of African woes and the relegation of their concerns to the background severely affected economic justice in the land. Black South Africans were relegated to a helpless category, where millions did not have access to wealth and resources and were deprived of leadership empathy that could have alleviated their plight. During Mbeki’s rule, he spoke to the ideas of ensuring that such inequity disappeared flagrantly, gradually but consistently.

PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

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Opinion

Assorted Matters: Oyo Kingdom And Kano Emirate

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

Many, many matters appear every now and then in our clime. We are a rich and poor country at the same time – depending of course on what one is observing. And to observe what one wants to observe or is observing dispassionately is a task that is not easy. If one happens to be a professional reviewer or critic or observer of happenings in order to put before the nation a new order of doing things patriotically, one must be ready to go the whole hog. This is a task that is a task. If need be, one must be ready all the time to follow the hounds. Our sincere writers, journalists, columnists, commentators must be prepared to do all the time all they must do for our common good – and ride to hounds, and be a Nietzsche if they must. The task is not necessarily or essentially one of revolution even if one wants to be stubbornly stubborn in order to accomplish it. That is to say that if there is the need for readjustment as we follow the hounds we must do so. Perhaps a popular news establishment noted for its caustic ideas and severe criticism of our central government and our mean politicians generally had this at the back of its mind when it declared (or was trying to declare) for us its personages and dignitaries as our country’s dignitaries and personages of our rottenly rotten and wickedly wicked 2024.

What the news establishment observed in the gone year of undiluted evil was partly the same scene we observed, but in a different and more distant angle. What was visible to the naked eye of the said establishment was clearly invisible to my eminent eye. What I saw in the vast panorama of our country and what I am seeing now in the same equally vast landscape with its minute objects cannot but be different from the news establishment’s. What I will call my compound lens compels me to take another route. I gauged exceedingly well the objects surrounding us last year. None deserved to be estimated in the preposterous 2024 of mass destruction of our sensibilities and all we tried to cling on to dearly. In fact, 2024 was a frail year of miscellaneous events and matters that generally did not put this country your country my country our country in good, in any good, standing. To say otherwise cannot but amount to a bitter over-estimation of the bitter year and a ridiculous over-estimation of any dignitary so-called.

Hence here and now I must turn my back on the passage of the period and time that brought us the seemingly ineradicable memory of 2024 of dirty, tragic assortment. But if anything, only our women in positions of trust and authority in private or public service need to be celebrated. But how many of them in the dirty year of agony would be accorded their due recognitions without qualms? Where am I leading or dribbling you my readers to?

Now in the beginning of this New Year ill-assorted matters (as happened last year) have maybe begun to stare at us, to stare us in the face. Although of different kinds and colours, we must try to appraise them before they damage us further, before they unimaginably hurt our sensibilities further in this fresh year. Let me take two matters relating to our traditional institutions in the Kingdom of Oyo and the Emirate of Kano respectively. With respect to the Oyo Kingdom, Governor Seyi Makinde has recently accepted the candidacy of Prince Akeem Owoade as the Alaafin of Oyo-designate. In doing what he has done, rightly or wrongly, the governor has behaved as the exceptional literary critic. Based on the news that filtered to him, allegedly with respect to the alleged shenanigans of the Oyo Mesi, the kingmakers, that is, whose traditional duty was/is to select/elect the Alaafin-designate, Governor Makinde had to assess and reassess the situation. His perspicuous and deeply informed reading of the situation led him to a stimulating direction that enabled him to initiate workable standards that have given Oyo Kingdom the new Alaafin of Oyo. Under the watchful watch of the sharp governor some positively new standards have been granted the cultivated society of Oyo.

Whatever disagreements or feelings or sensations arising from those who do not approve of what the governor has done are not or may be nothing short of ill-sorted disagreements or feelings and sensations. Oyo citizens should rally round the new Alaafin and the governor – no matter what. They must not parrot the opinions and views of devious planners who want to invite chaos to Oyo Kingdom and Oyo State.

Now with respect to the Emirate of Kano, my simple plea is this: The hierarchical order that is in agreement with conformity in favour of Emir Muhammadu Sanusi 11 should be obeyed and maintained. I am saying this based on my picture of the matter there, the matter that the Appeal Court has resolved in favour of Emir Sanusi 11 and the government of Kano State. Indeed, what happened to Emir Sanusi 11 abinitio happened because it was allegedly designed primarily by the designer who else but the designer with a capital G that begins his surname? He and his cohorts are allegedly still pursuing Emir Sanusi 11 – but to what eventual end? They should let the matter rest now. If not, what will visit Kano – the Emirate and the State – will be ill-assorted confusion, chaos, “sorrow, tears and blood” unimaginable. If the antagonists have any critical intelligence they should bury their zeal for what they are planning that will not even benefit them in the long run. If they accede to my plea they will eventually enjoy well-assorted sweets of tongues of honey and of peaceful minds whose ornaments shall be the ever-lasting ornaments of greatness of rich purple. To the princes and intellectuals of Kano, I ask: Where are thou? Where are you all? Why the question(s)? You will know if and when my plea is not heeded.

Meanwhile, let me play with Nietzsche – as I enjoy his assorted matters that are honey to my inquisitive and inquiring inquiries endorsed by my Endorser.

There are other matters relating to our football, our public universities, and insecurities in the Niger Delta. But I will let them be until another day and time when my watchfully watchful naked eye will allow me to dwell on them (and other big matters) with the kind authorization of the Supreme Spiritual Masters of Merit (SSMM).

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

How Does Ban On Homosexuality Benefit Nigeria?

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
By Leo Igwe
President Tinubu has barred military officers from engaging in homosexuality, and some segments of Nigerian society are jubilant and triumphant. Why? How does a ban on gay sex benefit Nigeria and its military? The ban, contained in Section 26 of the revised Harmonised Armed Forces Terms and Conditions of Service, which the president signed on December 16, 2024, prohibited officers from cross-dressing and other acts against the ‘ethics’ of the armed forces. Incidentally, many people have, out of irrational hate for homosexuals, not considered the real import of this prohibition. They have not paid close attention to how unnecessary, distracting, and counterproductive this ban is.
President Tinubu issued this ban to appease the anti-gay public and power base. He did this to reassure anti-LGBT Nigerians that his government would not cave in to pressure from the West to recognize homosexuality, as once rumored. Otherwise, what is the political value of this ban? Of what significance is it? Is this ban not another case of Nigeria fiddling while Rome burns? I mean, with the terrible economic situation, hardship, and misery in the country, why should Tinubu be concerned about what is going on in the bedroom of military officers? How is homosexuality or lesbianism a priority for millions of Nigerians dying of hunger at this point?
Look, the Nigerian law already prohibits homosexuality and, in 2015, same-sex marriage. So, this ban is unnecessary. What legislative value is it adding? What is the essence of another mechanism barring the military from homosexual and lesbian acts? Are military officers, not Nigerians? Are military officers not bound by the Nigerian law? For those jubilating over this tactless initiative or those thinking that Tinubu has given them a license to hate and tackle any real or imagined homosexuals, listen. This provision bans homosexual acts, not homosexuals. This distinction is crucial because there is a lot of ignorance, and prejudice playing out among Nigerians. There is so much misunderstanding and misinformation. Unfortunately, this prohibition, like the passing into law of same-sex marriage, has been misinterpreted as an endorsement of hatred, attack, and murder of any assumed homosexuals. Prohibition of homosexuality has been misconstrued and used as a pretext or justification for abuse of LGBT persons or violation of upholders and defenders of human rights. For instance, last year, the bruised body of a transgender woman, popularly known as Abuja Area Mama, was found along a highway in Abuja. Some homophobic Nigerians committed this terrible crime; they conspired, abducted, and murdered her.
The police claimed that they were investigating the death of the woman, but we know that was only a public relations gimmick. That there was no substantive investigation going on. Nothing has been heard about the incident since it happened. There has not been any release by the major religious organizations condemning this horrific murder. The matter is slowly fizzling out. When I shared the news of the murder on a WhatsApp platform, a prominent Muslim leader from northern Nigeria commented: “Our law is clear on this”. Really? He confidently made this remark as if the murder of this woman was justified by the law. It was not. Anti-gay sentiments have caused a deficit in humanity and compassion of Nigerians. Nigerians denounce attacks and killings based on ‘sex’, religion, or ethnicity. They condemn racial and xenophobic attacks. But many turn a blind eye or tacitly endorse attacks and killings based on sexual orientation. That is shameful. The murder of Abuja Area Mama was a case of jungle justice and people taking laws into their own hands. Perpetrators should answer for their crimes. People suspected of committing any crime should be charged in court and prosecuted as required by law.
In addition, this prohibition lurks with hypocrisy and contradictions; it puts the Nigerian military in a difficult position, out of step with its counterparts in other parts of the world. The Nigerian army cooperates with militaries in Europe, America, and other parts of the world where homosexuality is not a crime, and people treat gay officers with dignity and respect. Now, think about this. Nigeria has barred its officers from engaging in homosexual acts, right? It prohibits its officers from belonging to LGBTQI groups, right? But it sends officers to train in countries where homosexuality and gay marriage are allowed. It sends officers to countries where officers join gay clubs. Nigeria conducts joint training and exercises with officers from countries where people can openly and publicly be gay. Nigeria has not cut military, political, and economic ties with these countries. We accept military aid from them.
Look, the economic situation in Nigeria is so bad that Nigerians are emigrating in droves. Millions are leaving a country that bans homosexuals for countries that welcome and respect gays. Millions of Nigerians will relocate to live or study in these countries if given the opportunity. Many Nigerian politicians and military officers are citizens or permanent residents of these countries. Their children and other relatives live or study in Western nations. So, in all this brouhaha over homosexuality and lesbianism, who is deceiving who? What does Nigeria stand to gain from this? Beyond the hate and violence that this ban fuels and inflames, apart from endangering the lives and rights of homosexuals and their allies, how does this ban on homosexuality benefit Nigeria?

 Igwe, PhD , is a humanist and board member of Humanists International.

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Alaafin Owoade And Yorùbá Renaissance

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

It is an open secret that I was close to the late Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi III. He was fond of reading my essays and books. He put them to use to validate some of his decisions. He sent some of his writings to me for comments. I discussed a project on the creation of an Oyo Museum with him. I was the keynote speaker when he turned 80, and I suggested Alaafinology as an academic discipline. There were moments when he had critical challenges about the governor to support for election or reelection. He was profoundly troubled about whether to support Jonathan Goodluck or Muhammadu Buhari, and he sought counsel from various people, including my humble self. He wanted to make me a chief, and I said we should wait till he was 90 years old. He attended four of my functions and presided over my 65th birthday ceremony.

This piece is not offered to continue any established relationship with Oyo and its palace but to play the role of an elder, providing advice to the new Alaafin, who has now used the throne of his ancestors to become my superior. I must prostrate to him, even though I am older. His appointment is now formalized by receiving the staff of office and a certificate from the Oyo State Governor on January 13, 2024. The announcement from the palace that he will embark on a 21-day preparation is heartwarming. He must do the rites as prescribed by tradition. The sacred nature of the institution must be preserved.

First, he must understand the context of history. The sacred nature of the institution must be respected. Yorùbá people are meticulous in their advancement and civilization. Every anthropologist and historian who is in the habit of studying the Yorùbá people would reveal to you how they built their civilization bricks by bricks. Exposed to the same socio-spiritual trajectory, they have created an enabling and safe environment for their identity with great pride in what and who they are. For millennia, Yorùbá people charted a course of history demonstrating their forebears’ valour. These long-term thinkers devised different means to cope with the prevailing predicament that nature throws at them. When external forces threatened expansionist aggression, Yorùbá people found ways to absorb their pressure to survive as an identity. Their determination to be an identity, especially in the face of mortal danger, lies in the understanding that when broken into smaller units, they become vulnerable, and that would potentially mean that they risk the prospect of eliminating their race on the surface of the earth. They have had to deal with internal problems to keep themselves afloat in the politics of life. After all, survival is the most instinctual response humans and animals give to every dangerous encounter.

Second, he must learn history. I can reveal to the new Alaafin that his immediate predecessor took time to understand history. Alaafin Adeyemi’s power of retentive memory was second to none. He had a memory arsenal covering almost 500 years. Alaafin Owoade must know history. This is not a difficult task. He could inherit what Alaafin Adeyemi created, a cluster of scholars under the leadership of Professor Akin Alao of Obafemi Awolowo University. The new Alaafin could call on Professors Tayo Adesina, Olukoya Ogen, Siyan Oyewesi, Olufunke Adeboye, and others to prepare him for history lessons. Both Oyeweso and Adesina were very close to your predecessor, Alaafin Adeyemi III, who had commissioned the duo to embark on the Oyo Oral History Project. In October 2018, the duo organized an International Conference titled “Alaafin in Yoruba History: Culture and Political Power Relations” in honour of Alaafin Adeyemi, where I served as the Keynote Speaker.

He must remember that what remains constant is that while charting such historical undertakings in their past, both Oyo and Ile-Ife have been very prominent in determining the direction of their growth. In other words, these two urban communities were central to their sustenance as a people. From time to time, they have adapted and given room for the rise of subgroups among them who would defend the Yorùbá civilization and identity. In their recent history, Ibadan rose as the garrison of the Yorùbá military power, saddled with the responsibility of repelling external threats to protect their common interest.
The new Alaafin must not engage in historical revisionism as his counterparts now do. Rewriting history is dangerous, as in saying the Benin Empire owes little to Ile-Ife and Oranmiyan. Conflating Ugbo with Igbo is a wrong-footed interpretation of the past. He needs not to dabble in issues of superiority around who the superior king was in the past. Oyo and Ile-Ife are constant in the people’s history because they represented the seats of economic and political power and the spiritual rallying point of the Yorùbá people. Let him explore the consensus around historical prestige: the foundation of prominent Yorùbá ancestors and the creation of a glorious history.

The late Alaafin was bold in the right ways. The boldness of taking initiatives and profound actions that brought Oyo to the preeminence that it enjoys in the history of the Yorùbá people puts it on a close cultural pedestal with other powerful kingdoms. The Oyo empire remains strong in the history of the black people. That accomplishment is associated with Oyo and the political dynasty, which saw the sub-nation’s centuries-long imperial power over its environment. To that extent, when preserving Yorùbá identity and integrity, it is assumed that both Ile-Ife and Oyo save their race. I am a chief of the Gaa in Ghana, and without Ile-Ife and Oyo, the Yoruba’s reach to modern-day Ghana would not have been possible. The new Alaafin must visit all West African countries in solidarity. Going to Abidjan and the Gambia must be mandatory. He must reenergize cultural diplomacy to rebuild Pan-Yorubana.

As he rebuilds Pan-Yorubana, one of the most critical assignments for every Alaafin is to galvanize his royal authority to reinvigorate the consciousness of the Yorùbá people, generally both at home and abroad. For illustration, being the second-in-command to the supernatural forces, tradition dictates that no first-class Yorùbá Oba should bow for anyone, not even their biological parents, for the action of genuflecting by people of such authority means submission, not only of themselves but also the collective Yorùbá irrespective of their sub-nations. Alaafin Owoade is not part of the Sokoto Caliphate. No one has given him a flag! Yes, he is a Muslim, but he must see himself first as a Yoruba before being a Muslim. He is not the king of Muslims but the king of the Yoruba people. He must not be associated with the expansion of the Sharia. He is an Alaafin, a cultural Yoruba leader, not an Amir al-Mu’minin, the Commander of the Faithful. The day he gets drawn into political Islam, that day his rule is over.

Like his predecessor, he must be associated with isese. It is no coincidence that the stool of Alaafin is associated with Sàngó―that ferocious king creating the foundation of electricity and thermodynamics. Sàngó was one of the founders of science, a deity and King who represented boldly and exuded confidence and whose authority was widespread. As a deity, Sàngó is known to be the custodian of fire energy and could consume things with rage within a self-contained grid. Alaafin Adeyemi continued with the adoption of Sàngó, reaching far into the diaspora to consolidate that knowledge. The new Alaafin can convert this into modern science and seek the means to create technological hubs. A science academy can tap into an indigenous knowledge system while using the most expansive modern knowledge to move Oyo forward.

The new Alaafin must understand the need for contemporary leadership that is ethical and people-oriented. The socio-cultural import of Yorùbá history is that anyone sitting on that stool would inherit such character of leadership because they are meant to repel danger away from the Yorùbá world. Nobody will do this when they cannot take leadership responsibilities and initiatives. In essence, the Alaafin can make other chiefs accountable for their people and the Yorùbá populace generally by making them take charge of what is expected.

Nobody can deny that the collective sweat of the Yorùbá people is a shared responsibility of the people irrespective of where they are from, but central in such reality is the Alaafin, who would always make himself available for his people. As such, he is expected to call them to order when he notices things are not moving. Nobody dares to undermine the authority of the Alaafin among the Yorùbá people. For that reason, the new Alaafin should immediately take the authority of his office to see to the installation of the proper virtues on the thrones of Yorùbá kings. The position of Oba is an exclusive toil of selfless and relentless figures who were deeply rooted in indigenous power, and it should not be usurped by people masking their desire to please their expansionist allies.

The moral authority of the new Alaafin must not be compromised by atenuje and ijekuje. We should not see him drinking beer in public and frolicking with women of cheap virtues. Oba Owoade must not debase his office by collecting money from visa applicants who want to follow him to visit foreign lands. If he wants to wear his gym suits, please do not go on major streets in London. We can arrange private spaces for you. Alaafin Adeyemi consumed moderately ogi and moinmoin in the morning and amala with one piece of meat in the afternoon. One cannot say because he is a king, he would consume more salt than the commoners. Royalty is not about the consumption of massive bowls of food daily. Enjoyment with friends can be confined to secret spaces. Today, some obas collect envelopes to attend events, including naming ceremonies. This is a “no-no”. Alaafin Adeyemi gave me money, including writing a substantial check when I turned 65. When Alaafin Owoade picks small checks from his subjects, the gossip spreads faster and undermines his authority.

In recent times, Yorùbá cultural values have expanded beyond the shores of its immediate boundaries, and it does require that a more coordinated strategy must be used to place Yorùbá future at a vantage position where it will become impregnable to be overcome.

Here is a to-do list:
The Alaafin must visit Cuba, Brazil, Haiti, Trinidad and Tobago and Grenada.The new Alaafin is expected to put Oyo on the global map by unearthing, promoting, and sustaining the Yoruba race’s history, tradition, and culture as one of its chief custodians.

Beyond its impressive artistic expression, Oyo’s breathtaking orature and rich Yoruba traditions cannot but promote the ubiquitous touristic potential of Oyo and Yorubaland.
He must reignite the consciousness of the people towards embracing their historical values. Oba Adeyemi warmed himself into many people’s minds because he was fearless. He worked very hard to get his facts right, and when convinced of a matter, he dared to speak up his conviction. He was even-handed in dealing with people and situations, and the motto of his reign was justice and mercy. He believed that culture was the principal magistrate of a person’s life.

He must promote the Yoruba language. It is the best thing that the Alaafin can do to plant the consciousness of the Yorùbá race into the hearts of its descendants and admirers who now occupy different places of the world. Yorùbá language must be revived as a language of technology in ways that anyone using whatever is produced by the Yorùbá people would be smitten by the profundity of their culture. To achieve this, the Alaafin can harness the political and economic power that Elédùmarè has granted to the descents of Oduduwa and create foundations for the technologizing of Yorùbá history, industry and economy.

The Alaafin must connect very keenly with Ile-Ife to defeat the possibility of internal contradictions and strife that could trigger implosion based on seeking self-serving ambitions. It is important to note that the world continues to showcase its capacity for self-destruction, especially in ways that some are hellbent on ruining everything. To be safe in such conditions, people must devise ways to be safe collectively. The responsibility to attain this rests on the shoulders of Alaafin and other first-class kings in Yorùbáland, and they should not delay swinging into action.

He must promote culture. From music to songs, literature to any form of art generally, the descendants of Oduduwa have demonstrated that an inexhaustible content is archived in the annals of Yorùbá history. It thus requires a coordinated mechanism to help promote such engagement to increase the popularity of Yorùbá and make their people embrace the identity they have had reasons to conceal for a long time.

He must promote peace. Yorùbá people are easygoing, peaceful and tranquil. They are constantly seeking ways to allow them to make maximum impact without being subjected to malicious treatment or being taken advantage of by people who miscalculate their calmness for idiocy. However, recent developments have indicated that internal contradictions are imminent except if the people come together and understand what is at stake when they allow themselves to be used by external forces whose predominant ambition is to exploit and subject Yorùbá race to generational subservience.

He must have foresight. The Alaafin is responsible for using his foresight to solve problems that have yet to germinate. This is the turf of generations of Alaafin who lived thousands of years ago, and that tradition must be sustained in contemporary times. When they continue to promote Yorùbá interests, they will have a better chance of establishing a sound economic power base that will help the descendants of Oduduwa remain relevant for ages to come.

While he must respect all religious leaders, he must not go to Pentecostal churches to kneel for pastors to place their hands on him. He could do so in private.

He must continue with the initiative to build a museum at Oyo. UNESCO has declared Ifa as a heritage site in Oyo. It is essential to complement this with a modern museum accessible to his people from far and near. Within a few weeks of the passing of Alaafin Adeyemi, the distinguished Professor Isaac Albert called me to say that we must collect all his extraordinary dresses and regalia to be part of a museum. But without urgent security control, loot seekers immediately plundered parts of the palace. This must never happen again.

Summon prominent leaders to a meeting and let them understand the roles they would have to play in protecting the interest and integrity of the Yorùbá people because when the home is peaceful and safe, its children would have the confidence to invest back there. If you do not undermine the political authority of political leaders, they are historically under your jurisdiction, and you should use the power vested in you by the immaterial forces to propel Yorùbá people to greatness by suggesting ways through which they can protect the Yorùbá people on the land that their forebears bequeathed onto them. You must anticipate the infiltration of Yorubaland by forces that do not mean well for Yoruba people and work with other traditional rulers and stakeholders to map out strategies to preempt and forestall such infiltration. A mechanism to erect a non-physical wall of defence against external aggression should be implemented in Yorubaland. You should take the lead in pushing this initiative forward. Yorùbáland must promise economic, spiritual, intellectual, ideological, political, and environmental safety for all indigenes of Oduduwa, irrespective of their sub-nations. They should not become second-class citizens in their land, fought for with the blood of their ancestors. It must become the most fertile land for everyone, irrespective of race, gender, and religion.

Adopt an intellectual committee system, in addition to the existing traditional chieftaincies, to further modernize the system. You can have Intellectual Advisory Committees on history, culture, politics, education, economies, etc.

As a matter of urgency, the Alaafin must constitute the Oyo Development Committee along the lines of the Ondo Development Committee (ODC), a vibrant organization. An experienced biographer of ODC who can be contacted is the renowned administrator and distinguished scholar, Professor Femi Mimiko, who once sent a note to me, saying, “In the Ondo Development Committee (ODC), we stay on course. We aim to support the King and the Kingdom in developing our community. Development, since the last Ekimogun Day, has been good. Some of our people have come out to work on the projects they sponsored while we in the ODC have continued working on our infrastructure and other social projects. With these, our streets are better lit, some of our schools are being rebuilt, and the projects we embark on, like the Igba electronic market, continue to grow. … We have always realized that the Government cannot do it alone and thank God that we have great people with pronounced friends that are supporting our daunting visions by taking up some of the responsibilities of our development.”

The Alaafin can create an Oyo Microfinance Bank on strict professionalism to recapitalize low-income people. While the late Alaafin was generous in granting scholarships to people, this should be formalized into a modern banking system where people can take loans and repay. The Asanteman Council negotiated a World Bank loan to empower thousands of farmers. A professional team not interested in corruption can do the same for Oyo.

In relation to the preceding, royal institutions must now centre on development. In the past, Yoruba Obas did not rule their domains as mere mortals. The sacredness, rituals and myths associated with the Yoruba monarchical system are among the few reasons why Yoruba traditional systems and values garnered so much respect and admiration. However, against the backdrop that the awe, reverence, rituals and mysteries associated with the Yoruba royalty have dissipated over the years, contemporary Yoruba monarchical institutions will now be judged on the practical benefits they can bring to their subjects. It is this charitable purpose, more than anything else, that promises to restore and sustain royal popularity and respectability. The new Alaafin will have to look inward and see how Oyo and, by extension, Yorubaland can further be developed socio-economically, culturally and sustainably.

The new Alaafin’s reign must usher in an Oyo monarchy that has moved far away from royal jamborees and the prosecution of supremacy battles to being an institution of value that is contributing significantly to the realisation of Goal number 11.4 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals which has to do with the promotion of indigenous culture. Indeed, culture is at the heart of the SDGs. Culture is who we are and what shapes our identity. Placing culture at the heart of development policies is the only way to ensure human-centred, inclusive and equitable development.

Security. Alaafin Adeyemi III paid attention to this, and I can confirm that he spent much of his money securing many places under his authority.

To the newly emerged Alaafin Abimbola Akeem Owoade, I reawaken your consciousness by revealing that your role in keeping the Yorùbá people in national and global politics is sacrosanct. Because Elédùmarè chose you, hundreds of Irúnmolè and your forebears are behind you. I cannot doubt the innate possibilities you have to consolidate the rise of Oyo and the Yorùbá people worldwide in a global age. There are too many contending forces and issues. I supported your predecessor to the best of my ability and promise to help you to the extent you desire.
Ọmọ Owoade o kú ewu

Ewu iná kan kìí pàwòdì

Aláàfin ikú bàbá yèyé

Káde kó pẹ́ lórí

Kí bàtà ò pẹ́ lẹ́ṣẹ́

Kí ìrùkẹ̀rẹ̀ ó jẹ́ kó dokinni

Láyé olúgbọ́n ayé rójú

Láyé Arẹsà ayé kúkú tòrò

Láyé Aláàfin Abimbola

Kí ìgbà kò tu tonílé-tàlejò

Kí ara kó dẹ tọmọdẹ́-tàgbà

Àwọn alálẹ̀ a sì tì ọ́ lẹ́yìn

Ǹlẹ́ ọmọ òjò pa ṣẹ̀kẹ̀rẹ̀ mọdẹ àtìbà

Ọmọ ikú tíkú ò gbọ̀dọ̀ pa

Ó di dandan kó o dádé yìí pẹ́

O kú oríire

Àwọ́n aláṣeku a sì bá ọ ṣe e

Títirí méje làá kọ́mọ Aláàfin

Ilá tiri ilá kó

Ikàn tiri wẹ̀wù ẹ̀jẹ̀

Ìkóǹkó tiri mọ́yán

Àwọ̀n tiri pẹja

Ọmọ Owoade

Mo bá ọ yọ̀

O kú oríire.

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