Opinion
The Ripple Effects Of Underfunding In Nigeria’s Higher Education Sector (2)
Published
3 months agoon

By Toyin Falola
On Monday, December 19, 2022, I will be a guest of Osun State University, where I will deliver the Fourth Prince Tunde Ponnle Annual Lecture. The management of the University was careful to choose a subject dear to my heart: the funding of higher education in the context of global practices. I am very grateful to the Vice-Chancellor, Professor Clement Adebooye, who is doing well in advancing the University’s mission and vision. There is no doubt that Osun State University is set for greatness.
The history of higher education in Nigeria rode on the wings of high hopes and promises of improved workforce strength and overall national development. In 1932, Eric Hussey, a newly arrived educator in Nigeria’s Lagos City, proposed and lobbied for the establishment of Yaba Higher College, officially the first recognised higher institution in Nigeria. Although the college primarily offered vocational skills and was only for male students, and has now become defunct, it was the beginning of history.
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In 1947, following the Elliot Commission’s recommendations, plans began for the foundation of Nigeria’s first university. Within those plans was the proposal that the staff members and equipment at Yaba Higher College be transferred to Ibadan for the University College while a new Yaba Technical Institute (now Yaba College of Technology) be started in the place of the Higher College. Thus, Nigeria’s first formalized and certificate-awarding technical institute was founded in 1947, and a year later, the University College, Ibadan — now the University of Ibadan — was also established. With the founding of Nigeria’s first higher institutions, the cost of education for Nigerians became significantly lower than the cost of going abroad for further studies, for instance. Furthermore, it was a move in the right direction for a country clamouring for independence.
Over 70 years later, the sector that held so many promises is going to rack and ruin, with incessant strike actions, poor living conditions, underwhelming curriculums, and scores of graduates who can hardly hold their own compared to their counterparts in other countries, especially as it concerns research, technological advancement, discoveries, and research output. The few Nigerian students who make the country proud on the global stage do not and cannot attribute their successes to the Nigerian system. This is not to say that some institutions in the nation’s higher education system are not doing their best. For instance, the University of Ibadan has continually strived to emerge among Africa’s best ten universities.
However, as the Yoruba say, “obe to dun owo lo pa,” meaning that the mouth-watering soup has heavy financial investments that correspond with the level of its tastiness. In the same vein, running a higher institution of learning, especially a university, requires significant financial resources and investments, which higher institutions in Nigeria have not really enjoyed. The heights that the University has been able to attain both within the continent and globally are largely due to its administration, staff, and students, and it towers proportionally beyond the funds allocated to it or the financial aid it gets. To put this in context, in 1949, its second year of operation and with less than 200 students, the University of Ibadan received £200,000 in funding from the government, apart from donations from the Nuffield Foundation and the United African Company, among other corporate bodies and foundations that served as general donors to the institution. That allocated funding of £200,000 in 1949, if adjusted for inflation, would be £8. 35 million in 2022. If those figures are multiplied by Nigeria’s official rate of N533.50 to one pound sterling, then we would have N4.62 billion worth of government subvention and funding for the University College, Ibadan, in 1949.
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Today, that same University has grown exponentially from three faculties and two halls of residence to 17 faculties and 92 departments. The increased number of faculties, departments, and halls of residence indicates an enormous increase in the number of staff members and students, which would have resulted in a tremendous increment in overhead costs, administrative costs, recurrent expenditure, and capital projects, coupled with the rising cost of things in Nigeria. The government subvention to the University of Ibadan has risen by 371%, from N4.62 billion in 1949 to N17.1 billion in 2022. This is seemingly the smallest percentage increase the University has seen, compared to the 600% increase in the number of residence halls, although a larger percentage of the approximately 30,000 students live off-campus. The student populace has also seen an almost 15,000% increase from about 200 in 1949 to almost 30,000 presently. These figures show that there has also been a corresponding growth in the management, administrative, academic, and non-academic staff.
This breakdown of the financial support the University of Ibadan has received and how it pales in comparison to its needs and current capacities serves as a poster analysis for other Nigerian higher education institutions that are heavily underfunded. Take the University of Hull, ranked between 501 and 600 according to the Times Higher Education 2022 ranking. The University of Hull has about 15,000 students — half the population of the University of Ibadan — had an annual income of £186.5 million or N103.2 billion in 2021, with an expenditure of £182.2 million or N100 billion in the same year. Even though the University of Hull is not one of the United Kingdom’s topmost or most-funded universities, its income is about one-third of the total allocation from the Nigerian federal government to 44 federal universities, and about one-eighth of the total budget for the Nigerian education sector, which includes pre-primary through post-secondary education.
Understandably, governments are not the only sponsors of universities and higher institutions of learning in other countries. There have also been arguments that countries are not created equal and that Nigeria’s economy does not compare in the least to that of countries like the United States and the United Kingdom, and that the cost of higher education in Nigeria is negligible compared to several universities abroad. Nonetheless, the gap between the figures is staggeringly shocking, especially as one starts to consider big-name universities in the Western and Eastern worlds. For instance, the annual budget of the University of Texas at Austin is $3 billion or N1 trillion, which is about one-sixth of the total budget of the Nigerian federal government for 2022, and the highest percentage of the income that the said University makes comes from state and county support, while it generates about $600 million annually for research and grants.
There can never be more than enough funding for higher institutions as they will always find use cases and needs for all funds received. When universities get sufficient funding for administrative, teaching, and research costs, they will be better positioned to make their mark globally while contributing to national growth and development through innovative research and discovery. Underfunding of Nigeria’s higher education institution goes much deeper than the comparisons made between the University of Ibadan and foreign universities, some of which it outperforms and outranks. When we beam the torchlight to state universities, state-run polytechnics, and colleges of education where the incumbent governor is nonchalant about the populace, owing salaries and leaving infrastructures in a dilapidated state, one would almost weep at the problems bedevilling our higher education sector.
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A closer look at the underfunding problem in Nigeria’s higher education system shows some fundamental causes: the politicization of higher education in Nigeria, the overburdened nature of the federal government, and a lack of a properly implemented policy on education in the country. Nigeria is a country where the National Assembly, State Assemblies, and the executive council at both state and federal levels set up higher institutions to score political points or have a marked achievement during their tenure without proper consideration for the funding of such institutions and their place in the country’s overall education plan.
In 2011, the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s administration established nine new federal universities, a move that was political. Today, 11 years later, there is limited progress within those universities, with poor infrastructure, administrative fracas, and weak curriculums. In the same vein, the Oyo State Government has converted the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology from a technology-specific school to a conventional one, renaming it Ladoke Akintola University. While many state citizens have lauded this move, they do not know that the University, which has suffered tremendously, especially in the payment of staff salaries, is about to double or quadruple its staff strength and number of students. This increase will require more infrastructural constructions, hostels, and financial resources, which may not be allocated to measure up to the growth levels the institution needs. In the same Oyo State, the Emmanuel Alayande College of Education has been upgraded to a University of Education, an upgrade that will not necessarily translate to the full expansion of departments and faculties in the new University to what will compete favourably with its counterparts in other countries. Also, the new upgrades and changes may not see the light of maintenance and continuance after the tenure of the incumbent governor.
Furthermore, the Nigerian federal government is overburdened. Aside from fiscal expenditure, the federal government also allocates funds to states. Nigerian states are not financially autonomous. Some states have the bulk of their financial expectations on the federal government, and some of these states also own higher institutions. Expectedly, the higher institutions deliver underwhelming performances because there is no adequate funding or monitoring. Except for a few, Nigerian state-owned universities are under-funded, unlike state-owned technical institutes, colleges, and universities in other countries.
The biggest problem facing Nigeria’s higher education sector is the lack of a proper and well-planned national policy on education, and this has led to a do-as-you-wish approach to establishing and administrating institutions of higher learning in the country. There has to be a plan that takes into account the national goals for growth and development, the place of education in achieving those goals, the current realities of the Nigerian labour and workforce, the requirements per profession, national technological goals, and the demand for skilled labour. Based on these findings and needs, the country will then develop a policy on education that will inform the establishment and administration of institutions. Using this approach will help make more meaningful and impactful decisions, and the politically motivated establishment of higher institutions in the country will drastically reduce.
There have been several proposals and clamours for the autonomy of Nigerian universities. Some of the proponents have said that federal universities be allowed to charge tuition and other fees that would allow them to generate revenue that will significantly contribute to the running of the institutions. Many proponents, including the federal government, have called on higher institutions in the country to find a means of generating internal revenue. However, those who support the latter suggestion have failed to recognize that to generate internal revenue, the universities need businesses and investment portfolios, which require some degree of financial abundance to allow for investment and diversification. Or, how do you ask a university struggling with overhead and personnel costs to create businesses? Is money not needed to run businesses? Even if such a university continually pumps money into the business for two to three years, the profits may not even be significant enough to make the endeavour worth it.
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Funding higher education institutions from internally generated revenues is a long-term goal that requires significant funding from the outset, patience, and no immediate expectations. Therefore, hammering on this as the solution to the underfunding problem in Nigerian higher education institutions is, in the short run, neither viable nor sustainable. Underfunding in Nigeria’s higher education institutions cripples innovation and development, hampers research and the motivation for it, and limits the heights higher education institutions can aim and attain. A university that struggles to pay its workers cannot favourably compete among the world’s top 100 universities. It is impossible. How many Nigerian universities have standard laboratories for research? These are the biggest problems facing the system.
Higher institutions are the breeding ground for innovation, discovery, and inventions worldwide. However, our schools in Nigeria do not produce as many patents as their counterparts in other countries because our researchers do not have enough funding to go to work. There are laments about various problems in the country; however, there is no major investment in our researchers and scientists to proffer solutions to these problems. It is important to consider how underfunding in Nigeria’s higher institutions flows down to several other sectors and affects the country. Underfunding leads to poor training of would-be teachers, who, when they become teachers, are half-baked and negatively impact those at the pre-primary to secondary stages of education, thereby causing an impending danger for the nation’s future.
The Education Task Fund is a government initiative in Nigeria that aims to contribute to infrastructural development and research. However, funding our higher education institutions must go beyond the existing scope. It is high time universities and other higher institutions went all out to attract external investors and stakeholders, corporate bodies, donors, individuals, and contributions from the alumni body. Many higher institutions of learning in Nigeria have a record-keeping problem, so much so that they hardly have access to their vast network of alumni bodies and are only at the mercy of those who remember to give back. Institutions should put processes in place that will allow them to connect with their alumni network.
Additionally, these institutions should have a value-based approach to their operations. Staff members and students must see and position themselves as problem-solvers. The beauty of this is that we are a country with many problems, so there is less chance of running out of ideas. As obtainable in other places, government bodies and corporate institutions can collaborate with higher institutions in Nigeria to solve some fundamental industry problems, with corporate institutions or government bodies providing the research funding for the bulk of the patent.
No matter how much we clamour and advocate for adequate funding of Nigerian higher institutions, if no mechanism is in place to curb excesses and track progress, funding will have no significant impact on national development. Therefore, as funds are being provided, there should be corresponding mechanisms to create an ecosystem that demands transparency and accountability, punishes defaulters, and rewards true champions of innovation and development within the walls of intellectual citadels.
. The Fourth Prince Tunde Ponnle Annual Lecture, Osun State University holds on December 19, 2022.
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha
It is in the nature of man, supposedly enlightened and exposed, to occasionally reveal the savage aspects of the homo sapiens. There is a beast in every man as evident in Lord of the Flies by William Golding where children trapped on an island reveal savagery unbecoming of apparently innocent kids. French novelist Emile Zola in la Bete humaine wrote about how ‘individuals are derailed by atavistic forces beyond their control’. Similarly, whole communities sometimes expose the savagery in their hearts in time of tension. When it is interethnic, interracial, or interreligious, that is, when it concerns group behaviour, it could have devastating consequences on society just as the xenophobia directed against Nigerians in South Africa led to deaths of innocent immigrants. This is the only way I can describe the last mob mentality and the ethnic hatred that seized Lagos last week Saturday before, during and after the governorship and House of Assembly elections. Sadly, this ugly spectacle occurred in some other parts of the federation, especially Kano and Rivers State. The Igbo are being profiled, vilified, and made a target of mass hysteria!
Whoever thought that we still harboured such a degree of ethnic hatred in our hearts some sixty-three odd years after independence? And the silence of the elite while savagery reigned was mindboggling. Was this orchestrated from the highest level of society? Did they, as the world did during the Rwandan massacres, look the other way? Is there ever going to be integration or cultural acceptance of the ‘other’ in our disparate polity? Add to these the deployment of a supposedly cultural rite of purity, the Oro festival, to drive fear into the hearts of potential voters on the night before voting commenced! It seems we are not ready, not molded, not fashioned for democracy. Hoodlums went round voting points and prevented anyone who did not look Yoruba or who had non-Yoruba names from voting.
Democracy manages diversity. It does not emphasize difference. Lagos and Kano exposed our dirty underbelly both to us and the rest of the world. In some states, governors, their surrogates, and political gladiators, seized the instruments of state to intimidate their opponents. Political exclusion is antithetical to the practice of democracy. By engaging persons of all backgrounds before elections, they court voters. To set hoodlums on innocent citizens because they have a different view is dangerous to the survival of the Republic. The experience last week calls for a reconsideration of the creation of State Police. State governors will unleash them on opponents without let or hindrance. If non-state actors could unleash terror on voters, it is left for us to imagine what uniformed officials could do in the name of the law.
It is instructive that while hoodlums attacked and harassed voters last Saturday, policemen and other security agents looked the other way. In some states, policemen openly snatched ballot boxes. Such acts make citizens lose faith in the state. It is a recipe for civil disobedience. If a state actor, elected by the people in any part of the federation decides to lead a sustained protest against the federal government, we would have a deadly situation in our hands. And that is how breakdown of law and order starts.
Persons of Igbo ethnic group who reside in Lagos must also refrain from making provocative statements which could generate hatred and rejection. To claim that Lagos is no-man’s land is provocative in our current circumstances. Lagos has been a good home to all, both good and bad. It has offered an opportunity for citizens who came to Lagos with a nylon bag exit as landlords and rich businessmen. All those who have found accommodation and a source of income in Lagos must respect the codes of social engagement. But state officials should not react to misguided statements from troublemakers in the land.
The people of Lagos and the State government must wake up to the realities of 21st century Lagos. No government has the power to exclude potential voters because they may support candidates that are not favoured by the establishment. And they must carry the mob of area boys and ethnic jingoists along in re-understanding their environment. In a truly democratic setting, governments initiate policies that could win them votes from certain demographic sections of society. In a multiracial society, the dominant class engages minorities with favourable policies as shown in the American experience.
What happened during the election was a form of coup against the people in a clinically arranged exercise by the state. Bullets and missiles were fired by non-military savages. Threats and intimidation restricted access to the ballot box. Some citizens who had access to the ballot box had their votes nullified. The so-called game changer BVAS was made a laughingstock. The young people watching the elections exercise are being encouraged to adopt dishonest means to achieve their goals in life. Yet, the victors have been pronounced. Cheating pays in this environment. It should be possible and indeed mandatory to order new elections to be carried out in any part of the federation where snatched ballot boxes prevented a conclusion to the exercise. This will reduce the criminal practice. The perpetrators must be brought to book. There is no report that those scoundrels who attacked innocent citizens last week have been arrested.
There must be a restitution. There must be punishment. There must be consequences for brigandage and violence. By allowing such rigged elections results to stand, we are digging the grave of democracy. Any politician who rigs his way into office lacks legitimacy. The people are angry. The people are waiting for the opportunity to have their pound of flesh. BVAS may have been compromised now. In future we will have an INEC chairman who will firmly ensure that election processes and results are sacrosanct. This will be in an era where the INEC chairman is appointed and fired by the people through the National Assembly. There will be an INEC chair who is not partisan, who will be prepared to do right by the Nigerian people. Until we have a truly independent electoral commission, thugs and their masters will continue to rule over us.
Out there Nigerians are angry. Bitter. Disappointed. Almost in despair. They believe the INEC Chairman misled them into believing that the elections would be free and fair. That INEC in connivance with the federal authorities deliberately sabotaged the dreams of the people. We are not sure whether that perception can ever be erased. Whatever it is, INEC and the current political class have taken us back to the Stone Age! Which is sad! Discontent has been driven underground. And until there is a purgation, only God (not the many false prophets around) can tell us how this macabre drama will end.
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Opinion
Unending Passion For Reform: A Peep Into My Memoir And The Future Of Nigeria
Published
5 hours agoon
March 27, 2023
By Tunji Olaopa
In 1976, Karl Popper, easily one of the greatest philosophers of the twentieth century, published his autobiography, the Unended Quest. It was the philosopher’s attempt to capture in graphic, simple and autobiographical form, the trajectory of his intellectual life—how his existence came to be circumscribed by a series of philosophical ideas that eventually defined not only his fame as a philosopher but also his existential fulfilment as a human person.
“An autobiography is the story of how a man thinks he lived,” says Herbert Samuel, the British liberal politician. Of course, for Karl Popper, the intellectual autobiography is a testament to a life that became philosophical at a young age. It was while working between 1922 and 1924 with a cabinetmaker, Adalbert Posch, that he first fell in love with epistemology and started wrestling with the dynamics of knowledge that derived from the early influences a book-filled house had on him.
By the time Popper published the Unended Quest in 1976, I was still in the process of my preliminary educational formation, with no clear clues as to what life held or in what directions I was headed. I was deeply enmeshed in the exuberances of a secondary school student who sees life in terms of the day to day excitements and rascality. But then, I had also began accumulating some specific life experiences in terms of social relations and unexplained incidences. Three are significant here for my intellectual, political and spiritual life formation. The first, my first brutal
initiation into Nigeria’s zero-sum politics, happened in 1965 when the horrific consequences of the political antagonism between Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief S. L. Akintola landed squarely in my little world in the South-West. I was right in its path. The terrible fact of a person being doused and burnt by thugs was kept indelibly in my confused and shocked mind that would later start groping for answers to human inhumanity to human.
The second encounter was more intellectual—I met Plato on a shelf in the personal library of my uncle, Chief Alfred Olaopa. His copy of Plato’s Republic became immediately fascinating to me because of its dialogic form. But then, my grasping mind got more than the dramatic form that gave form to Plato’s philosophical ideas, insights and arguments. By the time I had arrived at the University of Ibadan for a long immersion in political science and political theory, I had already found a way to connect between the degenerating democratic experiment of ancient Athens that instigated Plato into philosophic reflection when Socrates was killed, and the debilitating condition of post-independence Nigeria that I witnessed as a six-year old boy in a small corner of Oyo State, in modern Nigeria. My university sojourn gave me the theoretical framework with which to make sense of my groping for meaning of the Nigerian experience.
My third encounter was more spiritual. In 1976, after my witnessing thuggery and just about when I encountered Plato’s reform vision in the Republic, I suddenly developed an intense headache that snowballed into incessant migraines that lasted for ten years. There was not anything we did not try, from tablets to herbs; and from hospitals to churches. Of course, my parents concluded it was a spiritual attack. I took the mental pain to my days at the university before it was finally resolved well after my graduation and youth service. But I learnt a lot about spirituality and God from that trauma.
By the time I joined the Presidency in 1992, and eventually the civil service, I had come full circle in my introspection and reflection about my place in the world, my research focus and direction. All of what I considered to be Nigeria’s cogent predicaments, the fundamental problems with the public service, the role that the civil service can play in reconstructing the Nigerian project. And
at this point in my personal formation, I have developed a philosophy of reform in its administrative, technocratic and social dimensions.
This is where I found the uniqueness of my life trajectory—and the urgency of publishing a memoir: my intellectual and professional maturation is tied in with the concerted efforts to find resolutions for Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments. And it is my desire to share my own little efforts with those who have similar
patriotic aspirations and would want to keep holding up the flag. This is the key import of The Unending Quest for Reform. I am in the forefront of the narration because I believe that providence had projected my being into the cauldron of the unfolding and unraveling of the Nigerian state at
the time I was born, just some few months before Nigeria came into politico-administrative existence via her flag independence.
As I narrated in all the pages of the memoir, the entirety of my intellectual development, from secondary school to the University of Ibadan, as well as the entire trajectory of my professional coming of age and maturity had been devoted to understanding the Nigerian project and assembling the credentials and competences to find ways and means by which to make Nigeria work positively for Nigerians. I consider myself to be a minor protagonist in a narrative that maps how the Nigerian state has evolved over the course of its independence, and how it has failed to keep up with the imperatives of her greatness. The Unending Quest for Reform is a narration about the historical unraveling of the Nigerian state, the great ideological conceptualization of its future, especially during the first republic, the operationalization of the colonial landmines, especiallyt through one of the greatest institutional inheritances (the civil service system), the weaponization of Nigeria’s plurality by those who would undermine Nigeria’s greatness for their greedy primitivec accumulation the struggle to get back on track, especially by the civil service and its effort to administratively redirect Nigeria’s infrastructural development—all from my perspective.
Even as a minor protagonist in Nigeria’s political drama, I consider myself to be significant in her search for greatness. The Unending Quest for Reform is my account of my diagnosis of my life
within the trajectory of Nigeria’s protracted search for nationhood. Therefore, I do not see this as self-indulgent in any sense. Eleanor Roosevelt got my intention quite right. For her, “Autobiographies are only useful as the lives you read about and analyze may suggest to you something that you may find useful in your own journey through life.” There is a generational and professional handholding gesture that I intend this memoir to concretize. Even though the memoir speaks about some dimensions of my life, it is meant to specifically outline my journey from the first encounter with Nigeria’s institutional dysfunctionality to the administrative philosophy that could transform her governance and institutional reforms.
I remember vividly that this is the clear mandate I received from Chief Simone Adebo, in one of those crucial encounters I had with him that clarified my incipient yearning for administrative and institutional transformation through research and praxis. He was worried that civil servants in Nigeria are often the butt of derogatory representations and scurrilous analyses that tied them to damage done to the Nigerian state. And yet, these civil servants fail to provide the insights into their professional intervention in the administrative dynamics of Nigeria, especially through personal narratives and systematic documentation. The Unforgettable Years, Chief Adebo’s autobiography, serves the grand purpose of outlining the critical years of the founding of the Nigerian civil service system and that was tied to the working of Nigeria’s plural unraveling. That autobiography had to have been written because Adebo himself constituted a legacy that represents the golden age of Nigeria’s public service. To read The Unforgettable Years is to not only understand how the civil service system came into existence and developed, it is also to understand the roles that the civil servants and politicians played in the first few years of Nigeria’s postcolonial existence. More than this, it is also to understand how the famous Awolowo-Adebo model of
politics-administration dichotomy was operationalized in ways that gave birth to the infrastructural wonders of the old Western Region. This is the same sense of immersion that one gets when reading Chief Theophilus Akinyele’s Beyond Pushing Files, or Prof. Akinlawon Mabogunje’s A Measure of Grace. It was partly what I wanted to achieve when I compelled the late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade to approve the biographical narrative of his life and experience as an intellectual and civil servant. In A Prophet is with Honor, I narrated how Aboyade embodied the town-and-gown framework, and how the trajectories of his life and professional experience were connected with the deep desire to enhance the development of Nigeria. I am therefore hoping that this memoir will also be a part of the existing and excellent personal narratives of significant public servants that complement Nigeria’s political and administrative histories, and critically gesture at the fundamental place and roles of the public service in Nigeria’s development agenda.
The Unending Quest for Reform was written within the best tradition of memoirs. Caroline Knapp, the American writer, captures this essence beautifully: “By definition, memoir demands a certain degree of introspection and self-disclosure: In order to fully engage a reader, the narrator has to make herself known, has to allow her own self-awareness to inform the events she describes.” The self-disclosure that underlies this memoir is meant to point outside of myself and the experiences I have accumulated to a larger national context that facilitated most of these experiences and how the dynamics of governance and institutional reforms that define my professional and
philosophical endeavors could be turned towards the betterment of Nigeria and Nigerians.
In eighteen chapters, I wove a long story that began from my native town in Aáwé and ended within the trenches of institutional reforms within the public service space in the presidency and
other MDAs in Abuja. The contours of that intellectual and professional unraveling took me to several parts of the world and brought me in contact and engagements with several people. I was brought to critical points in my understanding of the trouble with Nigeria, to quote Chinua Achebe. Since, for me, the civil service represents the most crucial point in the developmental awakening of the Nigerian state—as a democratic and developmental state—I dare say I was brought to a fundamental understanding of what is wrong with that system and how it can be fixed. I did the rounds of all the significant institutional nodal point, and I researched theories and administrative practices across the globe that could shed light on the way forward. I have been a part of some of the fundamental attempts at administrative restructuring in the Nigerian civil service. I have also
partaken at some high-level and high-powered committees and sessions to hammer out some of the crucial documents around which institutional reforms have been anchored. By the time I became a permanent secretary, I had been able to harness all my knowledges and administrative competences, and formulated a three-pronged framework.
First: I was able to craft my objective around the need to understand and add value to the ongoing reform efforts geared towards strengthening the capacity base and professionalism of the civil service as a critical factor in national development. Second: I gradually commenced developing a reform philosophy and strategy premised on the need for the evolution of a productivity paradigm designed to generate a dynamic thinking process to resolve the crisis; which requires a workforce that is professional, confident and productive and a reform that effects critical structural and behavioral changes that motivate the redefinition of the Federal Civil Service in the pursuit of
performance and innovation at all levels. And third: from the objective to the reform strategy, I was able to formulate what I consider to be the fundamental role of my status as a permanent secretary. It became clear to me that my reform philosophy automatically places a huge responsibility on a permanent secretary as a change agent.From the Career Management Office to Information Technology ministry, I was presented with multiple opportunities to bring my reform philosophy to bear on the internal administrative limitations and possibilities of the MDAs. By the time it dawned on me that deep-seated systemic changes required far more strategic alignment of the administrative and political, retirement had already happened in 2015. Fortunately, I was not caught napping. One of the most significant lessons I learnt from my many years of mentoring by the late Aboyade was the critical link between Nigeria’s development agenda, the civil service system and think tanking. The business of reform cannot be understood in terms of insider dynamics alone. There must be a way to carry it on with patriotic fervor even right from outside the institutional frames of the civil service. This was the reflection that led to the emergence of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP). The ISGPP is conceived to be an independent organisation devoted to research and executive education for those in government and other sectors of society in Nigeria and the rest of
Africa. Essentially, it is meant to function as a policy and research think tank whose fundamental objective is to address the skills and competence deficit that would transform public bureaucracies and the political arrangements of Nigeria and other African states in ways that will make them work even better for a responsive democratic governance and inclusive development.
Without blowing my own trumpet, I believe that with The Unending Quest for Reform I have created a narrative on the necessary imperative of keeping the business of reform always on the
front burner of administrative and institutional performance and productivity through change management and reform. That is what the title of the memoir is meant to address. The need to keep
modernizing the institutions of performance and productivity that will enable the public sector to keep delivering services efficiently never ends. And this unending imperative is frankly and bluntly juxtaposed with the protracted but not-so-successful reform efforts of consecutive Nigerian
governments since independence. The Nigerian reform landscape has never lacked genuine agenda and blueprints that critically diagnose and assess the imperative of reforms and what needed to be done. Unfortunately, they have all ended in the trash bin of haphazard implementation. And so, from the perspective of my reform experience, the discerning reader ought to have fathomed why I would think this memoir should matter within the transition to another republic in Nigeria. The Unending Quest for Reform sums the entirety of my experience, passion and reflections about transforming Nigeria, and the strategies and tactics by which I reckon the transformation could be achieved. We cannot afford to let the fifth republic be another wasted effort in governance and institutional restructuring. In the memoir, and as a framework that signposts the future of a revamped public administration
system that backstops the larger governance agenda that any new administration might want to leverage for national transformation, I set out a series of recommendations for reform. These could be taken to be part of the tangibles that my academic researches and professional experiences as a
scholar-practitioner have yielded over the years. The most fundamental logical reform step for the new administration in Nigeria to take, as a governance and administrative imperative, I noted, is the creation of a change space. This is a space that enables the new Nigerian leadership to harness competences, skills and strategies that enable it to push institutional and governance changes despite contextual circumstances and pressures. A change space is therefore the context that facilitates transformation through the committed efforts of several change agents, from the politicians and government functionaries to the civil and public servants. This automatically focuses on the fundamental role of a transformational leader as the moving force that catalyzes the change space into a domino effect of several innovative changes and reforms. The focus of the desired transformation to be initiated in the change space is the transformation of the policymaking
dynamic such that policy becomes strategic and motivated by policy intelligence and research
emanating from a technical configuration of town and gown institutional arrangements that bring the strategic offerings from the universities, think tanks and industries to bear on how the government make and implement policies. Reforming the public service system is meant to facilitate a deep-seated culture change that transforms professionalism and public-spiritedness. This is meant not only to improve the efficiency of the civil servants, but to also galvanize the system into optimal performance and
productivity. This must necessarily commence with a very high level of revamped gatekeeping dynamics through the civil service commission that not only streamline recruitment metrics, but also collaborate to facilitate the emergence of a critical and functional communities of service and practice, like the National Association for Pubic Administration and Management (NAPAM). Internal administrative reforms commence with the institutionalization of performance
management systems that are underpinned by competence-based HR function and practices, as well as the inauguration of a multidisciplinary platform that serves as the launch pad for the emergence of a senior executive service drawn from sectors of the Nigerian societies, including the Nigerian diaspora. The essence of the performance management framework is to serve as a precursor to a full-fledged modernization of the service delivery capacity of the public service
through the transformation of government business, transformation of corporate governance principles, and the undermining of the adversarial elements in labor unionism. The new administration cannot also underestimate the crucial significance of the public-private partnership protocol as the engine of efficient service delivery to Nigerians.
All memoirs hold some form of enlightenment for the assiduous readers. I want to believe that The Unending Quest for Reform possesses the same possibility. The advantage of reading it is that it provides three levels of engagement. For those interested in the pure narrative of my coming of age within a Yoruba Christian home, chapters two, four, five and the coda are your starting point. If your forte is an understanding of my intellectual becoming, then chapters one, three, four and seven are critical. I outlined my spiritual trajectories in the coda, and chapters five, six and seven .My professional development, administrative challenges and achievements, and reform philosophy are the subject of chapters eight to eighteen. But then, since no narration of a complicated life can be that seamless and smooth, an immersive reading of The Unending Quest for Reform is required for full noenjoyment. I hope you will be able to pick a copy to get an insight into how my life intersects a vision of Nigeria as a democratic and developmental possibility.
.Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, Professor of Public Administration and Founder, Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP),Bodija, Ibadan.
tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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By Toyin Falola
“I do not feel obliged to believe that the same God who has endowed us with sense, reason and intellect has intended us to forgo their use.” – Galileo Galilei
Religion remains a much-debated issue, especially in Africa. It is one of the determining factors of our identity. It determines who we are, our beliefs, actions and reactions, and even our thought processes. Africans had their own culture and traditional religion until the advent of western civilization, which brought with it the ‘gift’ of Abrahamic religions—,Christianity and Islam—and judged African traditional religious practices as evil, pagan practice and witchcraft. The missionaries did a thorough job of making people believe that their religion was superior and righteous. Africans accepted these imported religions, and their traditional beliefs began to fade. Christianity and Islam are now the new order, and people are extremely devoted to these newly found Gods.
The Toyin Falola Interviews recently played host to music composer and songwriter, Beautiful Nubia. The question of Beautiful Nubia’s stance on religion pops up during the interview. He is known to promote African spirituality but has also defended foreign religions as advantageous. In response, he talks about his ancestral line: his paternal family were Olu Orogbo devotees (the Yoruba god of letters), and his maternal family were Ifa priests and Esu devotees. He said, “religion has always fascinated me like it gets people’s minds.” He opines that spirituality ties into what gets people so much into religion. Although he no longer practices religion, he affirms that these religions have positively influenced people to do good and show kindness to their fellow human beings.
He states, “Any organized religion has a set of dogma or doctrines they use to guide you to put you in there. You are there; it is like a strait jacket to keep you on the straight and narrow. Why I said religion is a good thing is because the purpose of this is to ensure that you stay on the straight and narrow, that you do good things.” We can agree that religion has contributed to the rise of morals to a certain extent, as the fear of God keeps many people from doing evil. It has curbed wickedness and negative traits inherent in humans and made many people see the world in a new light. Religion has spread the message of doing good and becoming a better human being.
Beautiful Nubia
The issue, however, is not the practice of these religions but the ability of leaders to sway people easily. Although imported religions have helped to stop the extremities of African religious practices, it has only accentuated people’s gullibility. Beautiful Nubia further states, “What is wrong with religion is that it gives certain people the power to use their followers. It is not the religion itself; it is the human beings who run these religious organizations who use their power to extract money from them and push them in the wrong direction.” Owning a church is one of the easiest and quickest ways to get rich, particularly in Nigeria. All that is needed to succeed in this business is to be a good actor, have nice clothes (suits, particularly), can win people over with words and give yourself an extraordinary title such as Rabbi.
It is common knowledge that the major reason why people attend church and Jumat services religiously are that they seek solutions to their problems. As much bad governance is enough to seek God’s intervention for various human issues ranging from terminal illnesses, protection, promotion, unhappiness, barrenness, unemployment, and marital problems, to poverty, which is an average African’s motivation to seek God’s face, also cause people to become staunch believers. To get swift, miraculous answers to these problems, many people fall prey to the traps of “men of God”, who only look to fill their pockets and bellies. This explains why a “pastor” would shut down his church after winning a 100 million Naira bet.
Pastors and Muslim clerics are considered mini gods who can do no wrong. The Bible verse, “touch not my anointed and do my prophet no harm,” is an ever-ready response by Christians in defense of their highly revered pastors who would not think twice before taking advantage of their desperation to get their problems solved. They forget that a “man of God” is first a man. Religion has rendered humans gullible to the extent that they excuse things their religious leaders do that are not even in tune with what is written in the Holy books. How do you explain a pastor who sleeps with a woman looking for the fruit of the womb and says his sperm is the anointing that will cause her to have her child? What do we say to a pastor who instructs his congregation to bring a greater percentage of their salaries to him so that God can answer their prayers? Should the man who claims to be an alfa but has exploited so many people in the name of being a ‘wonder healer’ be left alone? Churches and mosques nowadays see the desperation of people and feed off it. Many people come to church for prosperity and get ripped off the little they have, all in the name of miracles, signs and wonders. You could be in a church service and then suddenly hear the pastor say, “I see seven stars. I need seven people who will give the Lord Seven Hundred Thousand to come out now at the count of seven. One, Two…Seven!” You will be amazed at the number of people who will run to the altar to give the ‘Lord’ that amount of money in this present economy. Unsurprisingly, some borrow money to give to their pastors to receive blessings, then struggle to pay back the borrowed money. Monkey dey work, Baboon dey chop.
These men of God add false doctrines to their fraudulent, shady activities. Beautiful Nubia quotes his mother, a Christian singer, as saying, ” any church where they are a lot of people there, you know there are telling them lies there.” He made an example of a Muslim cleric who tells his followers that every other person is evil, an infidel and a pastor who tells his congregation that their Jesus is not a Jesus of poverty, that He died for them to be wealthy. It is now rare to find churches that preach about the kingdom of God and how to live a life that pleases God. Churches today entice and then mislead people.
Sometimes, people realize all these things are wrong but lack the courage to question these atrocities. According to Beautiful Nubia, “…as a child, you are fully indoctrinated, and as an adult, you are scared to question these beliefs.” Asking a pastor why he preaches only prosperity and how to get rich as a Christian would be considered as seeking the wrath of God because the pastor can call down fire to consume his ‘enemy’. Questioning an Imam on why he sleeps with young girls will only attract curses from the Quran on such a person, followed by “who are you to question God’s prophet? The ways and dealings of God are mysterious”. Really, who dares question these men of God? The fear that has been unconsciously programmed into your mind from a very young age holds your voice and makes you look away from the evils of these religious leaders.
This is not to say that there are no genuine men of God, but there is a plague of greedy religious leaders who, because of their power over their members, influence them to bend to their will while satisfying their greed and lust. “We should not focus too much on religion being our enemy. We need to focus more on ourselves, fix ourselves, and we can use traditional wisdom to do that”, says Nubia. The way we question and demand accountability from the government should be the same way we question our religious leaders. Not every “God says” is true. The Bible in 1 John 4:1 says, “Beloved , believe not every spirit, but try the spirits whether they are of God: because many false prophets are gone out into the world.” Many religious leaders are gods of their bellies and are only out to exploit people to put food in their fat stomachs and live expensive lifestyles with their poor congregation’s money. Child of God, shine ya eye!
This is Part 1 of the report on the interview with Beautiful on March 19, 2023. The extensive interview, which has received millions of views across different platforms, talks about the role of music in society. For the transcripts, see:
YouTube
https://youtube.com/watch?v=7fyHlf1QIsI
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