Grace Ego Omoni
Education as often been asserted is a process of cultural transmission, a phenomenon that trains the individual to develop spiritually, socially, economically, intellectually, emotionally as well as politically. Edward Thorndike propounded some educational laws. These are the law of exercise, the law of readiness and the law of effect. He also states that the stimuli that occur in the individual after a behaviour is exhibited have an influence on future behaviour. I am particularly interested in the first two laws. The law of exercise is based on the premise that practice makes perfect. This implies that when an individual engages in an activity over and over again, there is every likelihood for that behaviour to become permanent in that individual. The second is the law of readiness. This states that an individual must be mature physically, emotionally and intellectual or mentally for him or her to actually learn and assimilate a concept. These educational laws are vital to the issue in this article.
Student’s unionism is a popular organisation in the school system. It was initially instituted to help students enjoy fellowship with one another. However, today it has a multi-purpose agenda. History has it that it was first established by Ladipo Solanke in 1925 as a West African Student Union to promote friendship and brotherliness among West African students, which campaigned against colonial exploitation, political repression, racism and social inequalities. In Nigeria, it first started at the University of Ibadan and it is now known as the National Association of Nigerian Students( NANS). Since 1956, the activities of this association have had great impacts, positively and negatively on Nigeria’s educational, social and political systems. Student’s unionism in our educational system is no longer the exclusive prerogative of students. It has become a phenomenon attracting the high, the low, school authority, parents, the government, non-governmental organizations, traditional administrators, religious bodies, politicians, children, adolescents, adults and the school dropout! In those days it was basically a tertiary institution affair. Later, it came into the secondary school system where it is known as student’s Representative Council. Nowadays, school’s unionism has meandered itself into the primary schools and here lies my worry. The worry stems from the approach being used in electing pupils as representatives for the entire pupils’ body. Thus, this article is most interested in the way unionism is being handled presently in some primary schools. It calls for caution. The article will briefly look at unionism in higher institutions of learning, the secondary schools, the advantages and disadvantages and deliberate on that of the primary schools ; election process at this higher level and as practised in some private primary and secondary schools, and counselling implications.
Students Union Government:
It is also called Students Representative Council or Students Organization and is mostly found in higher institutions of learning such as universities, colleges of education and polytechnics. It is a body of elected officers by the students themselves in a particular institution. The purpose of this body is to represent fellow students within the institution on matters affecting them as well as externally, locally and in matters of national issues. It is established to provide a variety of services to the student body. Offices are keenly contested for and people are duly elected following the electoral constitution of the body. In the secondary schools, what is in vogue is that the school constitutes a committee. Prefects and class monitors are then selected by this committee who nominates students for different posts using criteria designed by them. The nominees identified by the teachers as having the qualities in the prerequisite qualifications so specified face screening through rigorous exercises and closed-door interviews. It is after these interviews that the committee does the final selection which is presented to the school management of that particular school for endorsement. The Student’s Representative Council meets with the school management from time to time to discuss issues bothering the school and their fellow students.
In higher institutions the choice of officers is often made through election and it is often a very serious affair.
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The purpose of the union is the same with any organization. It is mainly to represent the interest of the entire student body; to be the go-between for the students and the management on issues affecting the institution in terms of school fees, accommodation, relationships, social activities, pegging of departmental dues, school facilities, teaching and learning process and other matters.
The advantages of the Student Union Government or Student’s Representative Council cannot be overemphasized. These can be summarized as follows:
1) sharing and working together in harmony;
2) it is a nursery for future leadership;
3) creates tolerance for differing points of view;
4) helps students to learn to agree and disagree on diverse issues;
5) teaches how election works in the larger society;
6)a major agent of political learning. Helps students to have practical knowledge of civic education;
7) a predictor of adult political future engagement;
8) there is a relationship between participation in school elections and intended political engagement after training in the school;
9) participation in voting in the school prepares the students to show interest in voting in the future. It serves as a beneficial experience in the preparation of students for life as active adult citizens;
10) helps in running the school services and learning the languages as well as practising in activities such as meetings, discussions, debates and decision-making;
11) improves students awareness and experiences in relation to how politics works in the larger society;
12)it brings about changes;
13) moulds leadership qualities in the students right from young age;
14)provides opportunity for the students to constructively make convincing view points;
15) helps the students to know their strengths and weaknesses, where they stand in the school community and how capable they are in maintaining discipline and their ability in coordinating in areas of accomplishing tasks.
The Election Process and the Danger Involved:
Election in choosing representatives for the Student’s Union or Student Representatives Council is the process through which people can express their political opinion. The students express their opinions through voting to choose their leaders. It is a formal group decision making process. It is a vital democratic pillar using an electoral system which helps to identify those who are qualified to contest and those to vote. Candidates compete by campaign to woo the electorate to vote them in with the use of posters, manifestos, and supporters. In our days in the university, it was all fun and exciting. Nowadays, it has become dangerous, vicious and expensive. The real politicians have polluted the system so much so that credible candidates can hardly win. The school authorities secretly fight genuine candidates and at the end of the day, votes are compromised. Many good people are apprehensive of school elections and of the opinion that the schools are now breeding grounds for dirtier future politicians. It is an open secret that some engage cultists to threaten would-be competitors while some others pay off those indicating interest to step down. This means that there are ulterior motives for getting involved. It is more than aspiring to serve! This also implies that future politics in our nation is bleak. The school is no longer a training ground for great authentic and patriotic leaders ! The beautiful ones are not yet born!
Electoral Process in Private Primary and Secondary Schools:
As mentioned earlier, the main focus of this article is to expose the menace in the selection of prefects in some primary schools in this country. A friend of mine narrated how her daughter bitterly complained about the conduct of the school management in electing pupils as prefects. Here, the pupils are made to pay for forms, campaign, get parents to sponsor and assist their children and wards by getting and buying votes from other pupils. This means that children whose parents have the money and are popular among their colleges stand at advantage to become prefects and not the choice of the teachers who know the children’s abilities and capabilities better. At first, I was not convinced by the story. So I did a random survey and found out that many private schools in the cities are involved in this practice. However,in the public primary and secondary schools, it is not so. In the government public schools, a committee is responsible for the selection and it is non-partisan. The selection of prefects is purely based on merit and not by campaign or buying of votes.
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1) it fosters the spirit of negative competition;
2) it is not based on merit but by who is who and the highest bidder
3) involving parents in this type of politics is not the best for the children;
4) it breeds bitterness. The children will begin to harbour anger against their schoolmates, teachers and parents;
5) it is a way of destroying the political system in the near future because children are being taught how to play dirty politics at a very tender age. In a video which has gone viral, a child was asked what he would like to do in future. Guess his reply? To kill! He asserted! Teaching children at this tender age to campaign for positions has negative effects such as favouritism, lying, lobbying, assuming positions in which one is not qualified for, bribery and corruption. It is absurd and destructive;
6) remember that these are children still in their formative years. Habits once formed are had to break. These are innocent children but this style of election can lead to manipulation, polluting their minds into believing that leadership is by power and lobbying;
7) hard work and dignity of labour will be downplayed;
8) the morale of many of the children will be truncated. Many will no longer have confidence in themselves;
9) this propagation of low esteem among those who could not make it because they could not get the needed political support may cause poor academic achievement;
10) it might lead to disruptive and delinquent behaviour, a dangerous trend for both the school and the larger society;
11) it will increase hooliganism, cultism, untruthfulness, partisan politics, ethnicity issues and division in the school and the larger society;
12) children in the primary schools are still immature to be involved in such intrigues. Such an exercise will pollute their minds.
1) school’s management where such election process is practised should stop this method of constituting the school’s representative council;
2) the ministry of education should condemn this system. The children are too tender to get involved in this rigorous and dirty method of choosing their leaders. The supervisory unit of the ministry of education should ensure that such practices are stopped in the private schools;
3) children in the primary schools are still in their formative years and should be guided. Schools should put into practice Edward Thorndike’s educational laws;
4)parents should steer clear in decision making about who should represent pupils. It should purely be a school affair;
5)civic and citizenship education should be taught in schools. Here mock elections can be role-played indicating acceptable conduct;
6)the idea of campaigning to be voted for, for leadership positions in the primary schools should be discouraged;
7) children should be taught skills for decision making and not through lobbying and throwing money about to win the hearts of others;
8) counsellors should be posted to the primary schools to assist pupils in acquiring the right behaviour that will make them accessible and being accepted by others;
9) mentorship should be encouraged;
10) election criteria should basically be directed towards academic achievement, positive behaviour exhibited by pupils, obeying school rules, manifesting discipline and comportment. Rewarding these by selecting such to lead must be encouraged.
The focus of this article is on the absurd electoral process being practised in some private primary schools in appointing prefects and monitors. The opinion of this writer is that the kids in primary schools are still in their formative years. They are still immature to understand the damage being done to their personality.
Therefore, subjecting them to compete for positions using the process similar to the national electoral system which has plunged the country into underdevelopment, bitterness, hooliganism and all forms of evil will further increase the negative elements in the society. Let adult matters be left for adults and allow the kids to enjoy their innocence. The school is meant to build and not to destroy ! Stop this absurdity in our school system
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NADECO’s Bliss That’s No More
I have been doing some investigation on NADECO – National Democratic Coalition. At this point I do not want to go intoto into what I wish or need to say about this uniquely patriotic body of patriotically patriotic Nigerians (some of whom are dead) who were the original founders and members. But I should like to state urgently that NADECO, the original NADECO, was a movement – yes a movement, of intrepid men, real nationalists, of diverse political, professional and intellectual activities. They were generally public figures who were committed to establishing an imperial state – if I may use the term – of bliss for all our compatriots, an imperial state where no one would be discriminated against and barred from occupying the highest office in the land on account of his/her religious and ethnic background and status. In other words, their commitment was to a scientific welfare state where no form of oppression or any kind of ridiculous schemes for manipulating the people and opinion to serve any selfish interest and class would be allowed and tolerated. The conceived imperial state would discountenance any kind of revenge which would not be allowed to ring anywhere and in all observations and complaints; no malevolence was expected to be seen in any praise or words of praise that should bring bliss to all.
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Were these basic values of NADECO not ones of Utopia? Was the ideology of NADECO not suspect in view of the fact that some property-owners would still like to exercise colonial control over their property and their communities where they commanded considerable influence? And who among the original NADECO members and founders were prepared in the real sense of the word to be linked to a different kind of nascent political power as conceived by them? Were they real? Were they genuine? These were some of the questions I posed recently in a discussion I had with a NADECO insider and originator and which I wanted him to answer as simply and as truthfully as possible. Meanwhile, his towered up thoughts shall be in abeyance.
What inspired our discussion (which was part of my NADECO investigation) was primarily the fresh released report of the Lekki procession of last year’s October which was the subject of this column last Friday. Our discussion dwelt on what would have been if NADECO’s divine strive against inequality and predominance of one group or class had come into being. The tarantulas that went to Lekki to bite the EndSars protesters would not have had any place in the land. And your country my country our country would have since become your country my country our country that we always have beautifully yearned to have. All kinds of tarantism would have since bitten themselves out of here. And all our young chaps would have since seen that NADECO is the clearest parable of a pleasurable political body to legitimate acutely the status also of refined political authority to serve the people.
Today we would not have been talking of restructuring as latter-day NADECOists are basically doing. As I understood (and I still understand it) the original NADECO’s capital was that of the political and professional intellectual: oratorical skill as a politician of beauty and rhetorical proficiency as a writer on the ideological sphere of combat to bring to bay that which must be significantly brought to bay to avoid past errors of our politics. NADECO’s politics as originally conceived and planned was the politics of the Superhero, the politics of the Superman. Each original NADECO personage was expected to possess some doses of Obafemi Awolowo’s extraordinarily significant organic intellectual capability and political acumen. To all intents and purposes therefore every original NADECO member knew and understood the meaning and “closeness to real political power” to be employed as Awolowo intellectually did as an important humanist who was very conscious of the main current of our clime. His distinguished reputation was expectedly expected to flow invariably in the consciousness of each one’s own private and public mind.
Clearly, today’s NADECO – if it still exists – possesses a mind which has since changed from the conscious past of progressive politics and governance to the conscious present of political and administrative restructuring that is remote from the awareness of the past that the current NADECOists’ consciousness is not at all prone to develop.
Who are or were the original NADECO members and founders? Comrade Jonathan Ihonde, an original member and founder – a foremost one – who was highly instrumental to the coming into being of the organized organization committed to wiping out of our land the poison spiders of our politics, is writing a book on the subject. The book is detailing what I don’t want to detail here. For now it is suffice to say that on account of the late MKO Abiola’s plea to him when he purposely came to visit him in Benin City, Comrade Ihonde, the creator of the then very popular NTA Benin “Hotel de Jordan,” a high drama of politico socio-cultural dimension, went to the late Chief Anthony Enahoro to plead for MKO Abiola after contacting various interest groups from every region of our country. This was after IBB killed Abiola’s presidential electoral victory in 1992. Of course his SDP – Social Democratic Party – top guns and fellows had bitten him badly. He meant and vowed to survive the poison of his party’s tarantulas.
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NADECO was thus born in Benin City. The Soviet-trained Comrade Jonathan Ihonde became the organization’s revolutionary Vice-Chairman after Chief Anthony Enahoro was equally elected/appointed its chairman. Other patriots who were visible members/originators of NADECO were Mr. Mike Ehimah (Secretary), the late Senator Olu Akpata, Mrs. Nadena Emovon, Mr. Alex Ayatola (Enahoro’s PA of Igbo stock) and others I cannot immediately recall. Of course, the late Alfred Rewane was aware of the formation and was part of it from inception even though he was abroad at auspicious times of its meetings. But he was NADECO’s indisputable tower of financial strength. Eventually, it was agreed that Abiola’s Western Nigeria should champion the divine battle against the injustice which the northern juntos led by IBB master minded.
Chief Anthony Enahoro and Mr. Alex Ayatola were mandated to visit the late Chief Michael Ajasin at Owo to persuade him to take over the leadership and to gaze into the far field in the endeavour to give Abiola joyful splendour and to usher bliss post-Awolowo to our fatherland. Chief Ajasin had the full mandate to reach out to fellow like minds from his region and elsewhere to give daylight happiness to everyone in the land. The rest from my end is history. But how many of us now cannot but be giddy with pain – how many of us? Are the tarantulas still not poisoning our bliss and happiness? “There must be punishment and justice” (not revenge) to cleanse your country my country our country when our Superman appears. The consciousness of the original NADECO must be re-awakened in us. The real progressive leftists have been silent for too long. We must wrench our true daylight from the darkness and dark hands and dark grips of the current poison spiders that are worse and more than worse than pythons. And let me share this gem with you: the Supreme Spiritual Masters of Merit (SSMM) are seriously turning well in their deathless states.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059
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Covid-19, Managing in Crisis Times And Public Administration
The year 2020 would be remembered in the annals of world history as the year that the coronavirus visited the world and transformed every dimension of human endeavors, from eating and greeting habits to administrative frameworks and the way we see the human world. With millions already dead and many more infected, especially through many variants deadlier than the original virus, the pandemic has already defined a new normal in human relations and activities. It does not take any serious reflection to see that public administration becomes the most significant human endeavor to be challenged not only in dealing with the pandemic, but also in responding to the ordering of the human world in a post-COVID-19 world. All across the world, public administration has often been called upon to deal with wars, pestilences, development efforts, and state projects of all kinds. In Nigeria, for example, public administration had to contend with the task of prosecuting the Nigerian civil war as well as outlining an administrative framework for a post-war social rehabilitation and reconstruction.
The implication of this assessment of public administration and its confrontation with existing realities of each period in history is that public managers must always operate efficiently within what has been called a VUCA — volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous — administrative environment. In such an environment, public managers and the public service are tasked beyond what the traditional administrative machinery is able to take charge of. This is the situation with the COVID-19 pandemic. It has created a volatile situation determined by the unpredictable behavior of the virus. This makes the administration of human activities even more complex than it usually is. For instance, the lockdown procedures come with stringent economic realities that affect human freedom and well-being.
One of the greatest challenges of the public service, especially in a postcolonial administrative context like Nigeria, is the determination of what bureaucratic model could best enable a public service that is effective and efficient sufficiently to deal with the challenges of the VUCA environment while also smartly delivering democratic services. Max Weber, the German philosopher who did a lot to influence the emergence of the traditional administrative model, was also confronted with this kind of VUCA-situation in the early twentieth century. The crisis situation came as a result of the hostility between the German Emperor, Wilhelm II and his Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, over the content of foreign and social policies. The emperor’s erratic foreign policy has been considered to be one of the root causes of World War I. Max Weber was a very keen philosophical observer of the defeat of Germany in the first world war, as well as the bureaucratic implications of the power tussle between Wilhelm II and Chancellor Bismarck. For instance, he noticed how administrative dominance of the state consolidated in the absence of a strong political leader. This led him to reflect deeply on how to juxtapose political leadership with a bureaucracy that assists the state in terms of modernisation and development.
Weber’s understanding of the crisis led to a need to model politician-bureaucrat relationship in ways that determine the boundaries of power and authority around policymaking. For Weber, the way out was to generate a bureaucratic tradition that centralized legal-rational authority founded on hierarchical structure and a one-size-fits-all service-wide standardization of governance and operations. The command-and-control structure constructed the public servant as apolitical, loyal, neutral and anonymous. With the bureaucratic model, Weber achieved a crisis management dynamic in the aftermath of the first world war. The question, however, is whether that Weberian model is sufficient to handle the crisis occasioned by the COVID-19 and the myriad challenges of the new normal. This question resonates even more so in a postcolonial context like Nigeria considered one of the worst administrative settings in Africa. An even more fundamental question is how can public services become efficient in a time of crisis like the pandemic and its future variants?
Putting the questions like this speaks to the need for organizations like the public service to recognize the necessity of change as the most constant factor that demands of organizations a reform template made up of continuous learning, change management and iterative incremental improvements. In organizational development theory, organizations usually fall prey to three development traps that define what has been called the “first cycle” of the bureaucratic culture. First, organizational success leads to self-satisfaction and an unreflective defense of the status quo. Second, size brings the fragmentation of organizational procedures that takes the public managers far away from customers’ feedback which serves as the mechanism for innovative growth. Third, the age factor implies that the older an organization gets, the more it breeds tradition which over time tends to supersede innovative and creative handling of challenges.
The question of high-performing public service in a time of crisis also demands the emergence of astute public managers who see decision-making as the nerve of organizational efficiency. In other words, the smart public managers need to transform the public service into a bold, preemptive and high-performing organizations with the capacity to make fast and effective decisions in the time of crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. However, decision-making must not be allowed to degenerate into groupthink that hinders individual and organizational creativity, information overload, analysis paralysis that leads to indecision, or overconfidence in the crisis management competence in ways that create tension at both the operational and strategic levels.
The efficiency of any CEO or public manager depends on three critical competences. The first is the capacity to effectively delegate authority in a way that prioritizes the discretion of a crisis manager to independently work in the organizational frontline within a framework of exceptions to the rules that do not however erode the normal regulations in ways that break down the organization. The second competence the public manager needs requires creating a balance between the command-and-control dynamic on the one hand, and participatory team-based decision-making approach on the other.
The third competence that a crisis period demands, is the need for intelligent public managers to be open to alternative scenario planning that anticipates both uncertainties and possibilities. This enables the public servants to bring multiple perspectives to policy challenges and public service delivery using foresight techniques to test different scenarios, and building resilience into policy design from potential shocks and unforeseen events.
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Fashioning new professional skills set involves several other requirements. First, it demands a human resources management architecture around which a new professionalism will be built. Second, this affects the way we reflect on the workplace, work structure and work dynamics that will affect the performance and productivity Nigeria needs. And thirdly, the professionalism must be undergirded by new culture and value changes that enable the public servants to focus on the new enabling values and ethos as well as helping them to think outside of the administrative box.
The idea of scenario planning speaks to the familiar four stages of “forming-storming-norming and performing” model of organization formation that enables any institution and organization to become efficiently formidable not only in dealing with a present challenge but also in anticipating future situations. A public service that wants to be efficient in the new normal created by the COVID-19 pandemic must, within the imperative of scenario planning, adopt a framework of strategic thinking that becomes strategic by challenging the status quo, challenging assumptions and framing strategic choices that allow the public service to not only wade through the difficult times, but also make the best of the situation for the benefit of the citizens.
Furthermore, such a public service must reorder its institutional and structural dynamics and frameworks through several processes, in organisational development trajectory, that must continually refresh the organisational dynamics and prevent it from going into institutional stagnation. These include: (a) Learning organization: An all-out effort is required on the part of managers to keep its employees educated on the latest technology, systems, knowhow and processes; (b) Total quality management: TQM involves employee involvement, teamwork, decision-making, problem-solving, high-level involvement, adopting a work culture aimed at growth and quality of product and services. TQM requires total commitment, removing fear psychosis due to failure at lower levels, development of successful work culture and continuous improvement; (c) Visioning: Visioning envisages as to what the organization would look like in the future. It is related to the shape in terms of which HR facilities, the growth and the needs of people it is likely to fulfill. Based on the vision, database is required to be built, leading to interpretation of information, arriving at suitable decisions and setting a course of action leading to growth. Visioning refers to looking at the organization in ‘totality’; and (d) Virtual organizations: Getting whole system in one room, evolving action plan and implementation.
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In the new normal, public administration is now doubly tasked to achieve an efficient service delivery to the citizens. This means that it cannot not be business as usual for public managers, not in terms of the traditional bureaucratic culture and definitely not in terms of the skills and competency sets. The new normal requires a new public service that is smart and decisive with regard to a decision that transforms the well-being of citizens who are struggling to make sense of their environment.
Prof. Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor of Public Administration, the National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos
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Ibadan: My City of Fame
I have searched; I have attempted, and I conclude that there are not enough words to quantify how much Ibadan the city of the brave and fierce means to me. Yes, I did attempt to describe my love for and affinity to the city in my memoir, A Mouth Sweeter than Salt, but I have since acquiesced that Ibadan is that indescribable lover. It is valid to say this love and affinity can be likened to what everyone feels towards their city of birth and origin. However, for me, it is beyond that.
Ibadan is my place of birth; the city of my forebears; and the place where I was raised. What I am today has its roots in where I was born and the receptivity of the environment in which I grew up. It is what psychologists call the nature-nurture continuum. A wise man reminisces, and in reminiscing, he is able to tell how circumstances interwove to produce a unique turn of events. For decades, I have researched and produced papers and studies in history, and at the heart of my scholarly works is African history. I am deeply interested in African history, and that interest can be traced back to Ibadan. As breastmilk to a neonate, Ibadan was my first taste of Africa. Thus, at the mention of Ibadan, or whenever memories of Ibadan surface, a fountain of happiness and contentment surges in my heart, so much so that joy flows through my veins and touches a smile upon my lips.
Culturally rich, historically blessed, full of resplendent human resources—Ibadan—the city of the brave! To be born of Ibadan parents is to be doubly smart in human dealings. To be born of Ibadan parents, in Ibadan, is to be triply knowledgeable on how to navigate this world of humans. Fortified with thrice as much knowledge and smartness, I ventured into the world. But not until I had learned at the feet of my people. But to love Ibadan goes beyond having natal affiliations to the historical city. Spread like a terrestrial mat across seven hills, Ibadan is famous for its bravery and the intelligence and dexterity of its warriors. Military strength and prowess were at the heart of the dealings of Ibadan people in the past. From the very beginning, the rulers of old Ibadan were warriors who had to prove their superiority by the number of wars they had successfully led their charges to win.
The evolution of Ibadan is worthy of aesthetic praises in itself. Ibadan, at inception, was just scattered war camps on an unmarked forested territory. Lagelu, touted as the founding father of the now extensive city, only wanted a common ground for warriors from Ijebu, Ife, and Oyo. What started as a haven of defense rose to become one of pre-colonial Oyo Empire’s most respected and famous cities. Ibadan went to wars, and Ibadan won wars. Ibadan military gurus were known to specialize in the art of going to wars and winning them.
Miniature industrialization sprang up in some focal cities in Nigeria Lagos, Kano, Ibadan, among others. With this miniature industrialization came amenities such as the railway, which strengthened the commercial and political importance of a city that was strictly a growing expanse of war camp settlements. Ibadan has greatly developed, and it is still developing. Three things are enviable about Ibadan: its large expanse of land that spreads so far; the boldness of Ibadan citizens to speak their minds, even at gunpoint; and the beauty of Ibadan’s historical aesthetics, better viewed from Layipo, which now houses Bower’s Tower.
The history of Oyo as a region and then as a state cannot be complete without the mention of Ibadan. Decades after the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates, there was the compartmentalization of the new Nigeria, resulting in the regional system of administration, which ran till the independence of the state. And, which other city in Western Nigeria would have become the regional capital, if not Ibadan? Ibadan was the regional capital of the Western region, from where the administration and development of the various extensions of the Western region took place. Today, we have Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Ekiti, Kwara, Delta, Edo, Lagos, and Ondo states whose development started from the days of the Old Oyo region, when Ibadan was the center of administration and developmental policy-making. Ibadan is, today, the capital of Oyo State.
Self-actualization comes for different people in different ways. For many scholars, self-actualization comes from the continual recognition of their works and a commitment to lifelong learning. I am among such academics and scholars who see these two phenomena as a means of self-actualization. Thus, this should help you have an inkling of how thrilled I am to be receiving the Doctor of Letters degree from Nigeria’s premier university, the University of Ibadan, domiciled in the city of history. I have received several Doctor of Letters (Honoris Causa) degrees, but this one, from Ibadan, my City of Fame, is a degree for which I went into an academic sojourn. My life and times have been principally about histories through studies, analyses, and extrapolations. And yet, another history is made as I am the University of Ibadan’s first graduate of the Doctor of Letters degree in the humanities. For this, I am grateful, and I am delighted to identify with one of the most prestigious universities in Africa and a citadel of learning for excellent and world-class education.
It feels amazing to be back home, to my City of Fame, and to receive this honor with the deepest gratitude to everyone who made this remarkable journey worth the while. I appreciate the support I received from the Provost and Deputy-Provost of the School of Postgraduate Studies, as well as my examiners and evaluators at various levels, and the Director of the Institute of African Studies. To those who facilitated the paperwork, payment of school fees, the assemblage of diplomas and essays, the heavy running around, I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Professor Adeshina Afolayan and Mr. Wale Ghazal. Professor Ademola Dasylva, in his relentless promotion of the University of Ibadan and what it stands for, paid for the elegant academic gown. I am grateful for the invaluable guidance and encouragement I received; all these spurred me on and made this day possible.
There is the affection, joy and fulfillment that come with us as humans and the humanities. This degree and other awards are testaments to the richness and importance of the work I have done and continue to do as an historian. My affinity with the Ibadan School of History is equally significant. All these culminate in a climax of deeply-seated emotions that I will embalm and keep with me for as long as I breathe.
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Again, I sincerely want to thank everyone who made this history-making occasion possible. Thank you all.
The above was Prof. Falola’s gratitude statement on the conferment of the D.Litt. degree at the University of Ibadan on November 17, 2021.
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