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REVIEW: Musikilu Mojeed’s The Letterman



REVIEW: Musikilu Mojeed's The Letterman From Presidents To Soldiers To Nations (2)


From Presidents To Soldiers To Nations (2)

By Toyin Falola

The second part of the review of The Letterman focuses on the series of letters written by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo to presidents, regional leaders, nations, and even military men. These letters are more critical and were either Obasanjo’s responses or observations on the nation’s affairs. Mojeed has effectively packed these letters in chapters three to twelve, focusing on military professionalism, democratic leadership affairs, and attacks on the politics under military rule in Nigeria. After this, the book has letters on the political games in Nigeria, focusing on tactical players, and in the last three chapters, the book pays attention to the letters Obasanjo wrote to the international community on Nigeria and African affairs. It is important to note that the letters in this part of the review reveal that Obasanjo’s letters are prominent and will be situated appropriately in the archives on Nigeria’s political history.

Reading these letters curated by Mojeed provides an insight into the mind of Obasanjo as a global leader who has educated and admonished international and local political leaders. As a result, the foundation of this review will be on the consistent and recurring nature of the difficulties of governance in Nigeria and Africa, historically and presently. Through his presidential letters, Obasanjo pushed the frontiers of individuals seeking to observe and build a working and new Nigerian nation and a truly prosperous African continent.

Chapters three to eight of The Letterman aptly and adequately present Obasanjo’s courage, patriotic commitment, and concept of discipline during the war years as the General Officer Commanding (GOC) Third Marine Commando. He was ardent in ending despondency amongst soldiers, which he appropriately covered in his book, My Command. The letters in these chapters were written to soldiers concerning their welfare and mismanagement. Through the letters, the readers can perceive different shades of the commanding officer. In the war-front letters, Mojeed captures Obasanjo’s letters written to Lt. Col. Ariyo and Lt. Col. Aliyu, in which he referred to the latter’s letter as childish and baseless: “Your assertion of other brigades being better supported is childish. I have no favourite among the brigades and neither has any of my staff officers.”

Also, Obasanjo’s letters surveyed and demanded no nonsense from his officers. In one of his letters dated June 26, 1969, he fired a memo to Lt. Col. Alani Akinrinade, querying him for travelling out of his sector without permission. Interestingly, he titled it “Discipline Officers.” Obasanjo was detailed, and he wrote with so much assertion. The letter’s last paragraph aptly captures the tone: “Nothing short of this will I take. I regard your visit to Port Harcourt on 25 June ’69 without my permission or being informed as grossly improper. Neither was any of my staff officers informed.”

READ ALSO: Honouring Professor Akinjide Osuntokun

In contrast, the letters in Chapter 4 of The Letterman are more centred on the well-being and welfare of the soldiers, particularly during the war. The letters in this chapter are longer than those on discipline for the soldiers. They are more spontaneous, empathetic, and a general call for action across all regions of the country during the war. For instance, there is a different version of the Commander trying to look after the soldiers’ health and monitoring their ability to perform their duty. Mojeed titled this chapter “The Piercing Letters to Gowon.” It is important to point out that the word “piercing” suggests the letter’s depth of emotions, tone, and sympathy. In one of the paragraphs in his letter, Obasanjo wrote: “I would like to hint that the present high morale of both officers and men in the field is only being maintained and can only be sustained by the expectation of a dramatic move to end the war soonest.” Despite setting up disciplinary actions for the soldiers when they erred, Obasanjo maintained and ensured the general well-being of the soldiers so they could duly perform their duties for the nation.

Based on these, we see Obasanjo as a Commanding Officer who upholds the concept of discipline. Through his letters, he implied complete triumph, and despite the unlimited control over the soldiers, he still acted right and in an unbiased manner. The objective of the discipline was to effectively present an organized society that would enhance the nation’s orderliness, harmony, and progress. The portraiture of the character presented in the letters helps readers to accurately compare the notion of indiscipline and dedication, which are aspects of the discipline.

From his letters, it can be deduced that Obasanjo exemplifies dedication and demonstrates what should be preached and sold to people in service and governance to help properly promote work and present a dutiful image of the country. He is portrayed as having the will to work for others as eagerly as he was willing to work for himself and put out more efforts, which earned him self-respect and contentment at work. This attribute made him look at matters objectively, particularly during the war, as he was concerned about the inadequate funds to see out the war.

Obasanjo expressed his thoughts in the letter he angrily wrote to General Yakubu Gowon, the Commander-in-Chief, in July 1969. The tone of the letter was harsh and showed some level of disappointment, and he also gave his impression and thoughts about the situation, which proved his allegiance to the notion of citizenship, patriotism, and nationhood. This part will be densely quoted to capture this view: “It is rather disheartening that all of us in uniform seem not to be able to understand the implications and ramifications of the present civil war. I wrote to you in all seriousness and conscious of my duties and loyalty to you and to the country…It will be disastrous to save the economy and lose the war…We seemed to be confused in our mission and our aim. We give the impression of groping in the dark and wandering about aimlessly and purposelessly. I am sure we can do it with a sense of mission and a sense of direction. The country needs to be woken up from her slumber and apparent complacency.”

As part of embracing the idea of openness and being unbiased, Obasanjo allowed criticism even from junior soldiers. Mojeed captures this well in the letters Obasanjo wrote and received from General Abisoye, which helps the readers to understand the concept of duty and responsibility. On November 28, 1969, General Abisoye wrote to his Commander, fiercely objecting to the plan, which the author of the book quoted as thus: “You will recall that you did confirm to me that you were unaware that an almanack is being arranged for the Division.” It is understood that Obasanjo accepted the complaint without taking offence at the audacity of his junior. In his response, he even made a joke about his facial attractiveness.

READ  ALSO: Musikilu Mojeed’s The Letterman: The Art Of Letter Writing And The Heart Of Gratitude (1)

Additionally, Obasanjo’s ability to differentiate between duty and responsibility and make oneself accountable, even in the face of confrontation from a junior colleague, is noteworthy, as he promotes the idea of self-respect amongst workers, which should also be a quality in public service. Therefore, the attribute of respect for the rights of others goes along with responsibility, and the demands of individuals or groups should be accommodated to ensure a common goal is attained.

However, not all soldiers were on the same page with Obasanjo. He had conflicting issues with some of them, like Colonel Godwin Alabi-Isama and General Oyeleye, which Mojeed describes as a faceoff. It is even important to state that these soldiers wrote books as a sort of response to the subject. In The Letterman, the author notes that the relationship between Obasanjo and Alabi-Isama (then in charge of Sector 3 of the Division) was initially cordial, but it quickly deteriorated about a month after the new GOC’s arrival. This was because the Commander had received a complaint accusing the officer of improperly acquiring a Mercedes Benz car from the war front. Obasanjo’s words were a mixture of harshness and understanding in the letter responding to the Colonel. He wrote: “I will loathe to imagine the cost to all of us on this side of our inability to make the rebels accept our terms or be defeated. Their success is our death, no matter our hopes, wishes, aspirations and ambitions. I take your mood of last night as a temporary fatigue and with little relaxation, recreation and rest, you will be fighting-fit again.”

Similarly, he had hot shots with Major James Oluleye because he set aside Oluleye’s operational instruction in favour of his plan, which ultimately damaged the once cordial relationship between the two men and created additional challenges to the war effort. The letters exchanged between both men were hot, short, and filled with assertive diction. The second paragraph draws from Obasanjo’s reply: “Naturally, in the course of duty, we have had disagreements on plans and methods. But now that I seem to have been vindicated on my plans and methods, you will understand why I felt as I felt at times in those grim days.”

In his post-military letters, Obasanjo wrote to regional leaders, military rulers, and later to the heads of political parties in the country. The letters to this set of Nigerian leaders were a call to action, and the tone was critical. Starting with the letters to Chief Obafemi Awolowo, he wrote more like an elder statesman and used more warning language mixed with advice for the veteran politician. In a letter dated December 13, 1979, the recently retired General took issue with Awolowo’s political address to his party’s congress. Obasanjo responded to the letter and accused Awolowo of a lack of ethical rules in his dealings. The introduction of the letter was direct and confronting: “Your address to your party’s congress yesterday and the allegations contained therein against the federal military government which I had the honour to lead and against me personally impelled me, in the interest of Nigeria, to write this letter to you.”

Chief Awolowo’s responded to Obasanjo’s long letter and went straight to the point: “Your letter of 12 December 1979 was delivered to me by your courier at about 6.00 p.m. yesterday. Whilst thanking you for the letter, I have a few comments to make in reply.” In another one of Awolowo’s letters, he wrote to Obasanjo thus: “Finally, I send you herewith four bags of Gari. There are two kinds; the very fine and the not-too fine. Both are very good as you and your family will discover. They are both produced in one and the same process with different sieves.” In response, Obasanjo sent a congratulatory birthday letter to him. However, although they exchanged long and confronting letters, they both had the nation’s interest at heart.

Obasanjo’s letters to Shehu Shagari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Abacha were more aggressive as he attacked their administrative dealings and local government policies. In his letters, as analyzed in The Letterman, readers have an idea of how instability has been the reason for the nature of political change in Nigeria, where stability is supposed to surface, as well as the realignment of forces to bring the nation together. This reignited Nigerians’ hope that they would enjoy the dividends of independence promised by civilian political leaders. However, this was not adequately espoused in the Shagari government. The letter, presented by Mojeed, shows that Obasanjo had a very low opinion of the Shagari-led administration. This is reflected in a September 28, 1983, letter by Vida Musa, Obasanjo’s secretary at the time, to Martin Iroabuchi, then editor of the Daily Times newspaper. In the letter, the secretary wrote, echoing Obasanjo’s sentiments: “At the federal level there is a chief executive or president who has shown tremendous political tolerance and NOT much political sagacity. At the state level the performances of chief executives have been variable but in totality short of expectation. The legislatures could have performed better than they did.”

The letters in Chapter 11 and Chapter 12 focus on the rulings of the military men – General Sani Abacha and General Ibrahim Babangida. According to Mojeed, Abacha “enjoys the deserved reputation of being the most brutal and corrupt of all soldiers who forced their way into Nigeria’s ruling house.” In a letter to Babangida, Obasanjo wrote: “This letter is now formally to request you to explore and conclude, with the greatest speed and effectiveness, new interventions in the international financial system in support of our general external debt reduction programme.” The letter revealed that the local government policy was “decapitating the local government administrative structure and warned that this would “amount to elimination of a vital instrument of development closest to the people.” In the letter, which was more of a warning, Obasanjo wrote, “It will be a grievous mistake of immense implications and consequences for all of us. I therefore urge that the complaints of the Union be looked into and what appears as the fatal incursion into and slow but steady decapitation of the local government be halted.”

In Nigeria, the trends of political instability amounted to belief in a social revolution by the people and a new set of power grid men that believed that the radical transformation of Nigerian society and government was paramount and inevitable. This birthed the incursion of the military government in Nigeria from the 1960s to the 70s. In as much as this new form of government was the norm at that time, political leaders, including Obasanjo, had seen the idea of the political order in a new light or perspective, which was why he sent most of the letters as a sincere call to action for the military leaders in power.

Furthermore, the substantial parts of the letters were those he wrote to the international community, from the apartheid crossfires to Jimmy Carter and the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. In these sets of letters during that period, General Obasanjo combined the attributes of a courageous leader from Africa and Africans who sought more urgency in the dealings of the South African regime to welcome a new South Africa. From these letters, Obasanjo demonstrated that he was interested in the Nigerian agenda and how Africa is portrayed in global affairs. Africa is facing the problem of cultural dependency and liberation of power from international systems. Obasanjo saw the brewing hypocrisy from the international community, angrily broke protocol, and had an altercation with Thatcher. Afterwards, a frustrated and angry Obasanjo wrote her a letter condemning the Prime Minister unreservedly.

The letter, dated August 1986, where Obasanjo referred to her as “Dear Margaret,” shows readers how complex and astute he is. He introduced the letter thus: “After our meeting on Sunday, I write as one committed democrat to another. Yours is an old country with a lengthy democratic tradition; mine a new country undergoing a process of nation-building. But as democrats, we can be frank with each other.”

From the above, it is obvious that Mojeed’s book chronicles the various sets of letters that Obasanjo wrote to the most senior officers who served in his time, the democratic and military leaders, international leaders, as well as celebrities and notable persons in Nigeria and abroad. This set of letters curated by Mojeed in the book shows a man with different shades of characters with his flaws while simultaneously putting the interest of the nation and the African continent at heart. We can agree that President General Chief Olusegun Obasanjo has a place in Nigerian history, and his series of letters have helped the readers to see him from newer perspectives.

By cataloguing the letters of a complex man to help readers have a thorough understanding of his values, attributes, and belief systems in public service, leadership, and human relations in The Letterman, Mojeed has established his craftsmanship and professionalism as one of the most erudite editors in modern Nigerian journalism, especially with its journalistic reporting and blend of the biographical genre. As a historian, I celebrate his decision and efforts to produce this landmark book. Many will surely put it to good use in writing the history of Nigeria.

Mojeed is committed to building a strong Nigeria, and his unstated intentions are to search for the Gospels. This may be his Mark, the first gospel, as he journeys through to reach the Gospel of John. Perhaps, this is the beginning of his surahs, as The Letter Man is divided into ayats, with the Al-Kawthar and the Al-Bagara. The Meccan speaks to the people, and the Medinan to political leaders. I can feel the anguish of Mojeed in locating Al-Fathia, still missing from his fascinating book, in which the salah leads us not unto mercy. The preface, which should have been a Bismillah, falls short of a Rakat. Mojeed is careful not to convert Obasanjo into an Alhamudullah, as he owns neither the world nor heaven. In avoiding equating Obasanjo as Ar-Rahman Ar-Rahim, Mojeed has kept fate to the ultimate injunction of man as no more than the vicegerent of Allah (Quran 29:11).

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.


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Toyin Falola, Memories Of Africa: Home And Abroad In The United States



Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Olusegun Olopade

Toyin Falola, Memories of Africa: Home and Abroad in the United States (Atlantic Migrations and the African Diaspora) | © March 2023

Book Details

Publisher‏: ‎ University Press of Mississippi (March 24, 2023)

Language‏: ‎ English

Paperback: ‎ 256 pages

ISBN-10: ‎ 1496843487

ISBN-13: ‎ 978-1496843487


Memories of Africa: Home and Abroad in the United States suggests a new lens for viewing African Diaspora studies: the experiences of African memoirists who live in the United States. The book shows how African Diaspora memoirs beautifully and grippingly depict the experiences of African migrants over time through political, social, and cultural spheres. In reading African Diaspora memoirs from the transatlantic slave trade period to the present, a reader can understand the complexity of the African migrant legacy and evolution.

Author Toyin Falola argues that memoirs are significant not only in their interpretation of events conveyed by the memoirists but also in demonstrating how interpersonal and human the stories told can be. Memoirs are powerful because they are emotionally captivating and because important themes and events circulate around a particular person (in this case, the memoirist).

Undoubtedly, a memoir is significant because it can teach anyone about a part of the human experience, even if the “facts” are not described without bias. Through this sort of narrative, the reader cannot help but enter into the memoirist’s mind and, therefore, feel more empathy for them. In doing so, the reader can “feel” what the memoirist feels and “see” what the memoirist sees as clearly as is humanly possible. In this way, the historical events and life lessons become tangible and poignantly real to the reader.

Editorial Reviews

Memories of Africa makes a significant contribution to the study of the African Diaspora, African intellectual history, to our understanding of African autobiography, and more importantly to life studies. Falola provides fresh insights that will reinvigorate the field. — Olabode Ibironke, author of Remapping African Literature.

Memories of Africa opens a new dimension to the understanding of the experiences of home, space, and place, and their interactions in African and diaspora studies. — Adetayo Alabi, author of Oral Forms of Nigerian Autobiography and Life Stories.

Toyin Falola is Professor of History, University Distinguished Teaching Professor, and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin, USA. He has received over thirty lifetime career awards and sixteen honorary doctorates. He has written extensively on the African Diaspora, including The African Diaspora: Slavery, Modernity, and Globalization.

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12th Toyin Falola Annual International Conference On Africa And The African Diaspora (2023 TOFAC) Set To Hold



Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

Second/ Extended Call for Papers


July 26 – July 28, 2023

Venue: University of Abuja, Main Campus, Giri-Airport Road, Abuja Nigeria

Purposeful leadership and inclusive political and economic institutions have been identified as necessities for Africa and all Africa-related peoples and regions to begin to address past failures, confront present predicaments and chart a credible course for the future. Unfortunately, Africa’s leaders have largely failed to transform the African state and its institutions into agents of development for the benefit of the citizens. Several explanations have been adduced for the observed leadership deficiencies that have become almost permanent narratives of Africa. Such explanations have often included, but not limited to, externalist arguments that point to the legacies of colonial exploitation and its neocolonial challenges, the sustained colonial legacy of economic dependence on foreign powers, as well as contemporary global events that systemically constrain Africa’s opportunities for growth and development. There are also internalist explanations that attribute Africa’s leadership conundrum and institutional failures to successive African leaders’ rapacity and irresponsible choices. Whatever these explanations may be, there is an emerging consensus that real progress cannot happen until Africa addresses its leadership questions and transforms its weak and predatory institutions into inclusive and formidable ones.

The 2023 TOFAC Conference will critically examine Africa’s political leadership and extant institutions vis-à-vis the continent’s history of underdevelopment, present challenges, and future trajectories within the global political economy. Scholars are invited to interrogate the nature and evolution of leadership and institutions in Africa from the pre-colonial era to contemporary times. Institutions in this context are broadly defined to include formal and informal institutions, including the people’s history, traditions, religion, and culture. Arising from this, there are underlying questions. Is it leadership that shapes institutions, or do institutions determine the quality of leaders that emerge? How can African states achieve the leadership and institutional transformation necessary to address the perennial development challenges of the continent? Are there lessons that could be drawn from the experiences of the pre-colonial era to inform contemporary issues of leadership?

We invite proposals for papers, panel presentations, roundtables and artistic works/performances that critically examine these and other related issues on Africa’s leadership and institutions. As in years past, participants will be drawn from around the world. Graduate students are encouraged to attend and present papers. The conference will allow scholars from various disciplines and geographical locations to interact, exchange ideas, and receive feedback. Additionally, selected papers will be published in a series of book volumes. Finally, submitted papers will be assigned to particular panels according to similarities in theme, topic, discipline, or geographical focus. Panel proposals (of 3-5 presenters) are especially encouraged.

We invite submissions that include but areI Inot limited to the following sub-themes and topi Institutions Conceptualized

· The nature and role of formal and informal institutions

· Institutional path dependency

· Institutional change and transformation

· Incentive structures and the choices of agents

· Institutions and Economic Performance

· Policy institutions

· Institutions and enforcement mechanisms

· The state, its institutions and the citizens

· People as institutions

Leadership and Institutions in Pre-colonial Africa

· The nature of leadership in pre-colonial Africa

· The role of chiefs, kings, monarchs and other authority figures

· The interface between culture and leadership in pre- colonial Africa

· The evolution of culture from the pre-colonial era to the present

· The society and the citizen in the pre-colonial era

· Traditional institutions versus contemporary systems

· The position and influence of religion in pre-colonial political institutions

Leadership and Institutions in the Colonial Era

· State formation in Africa

· The nature of colonial institutions

· Interactions of colonial institutions and pre- colonial systems

· Constitutional development in colonial Africa

· Africans input in the development of colonial institutions

· The rise of new elites

· Integration of indigenous leaders in colonial administration

· Dislocations, transformations, and modernity

· Nationalism and new trajectories

Colonial Legacies

· Colonial exploitation and the emergence of predatory state-society relations

· Neocolonialism

· Postcolonial economic models and African dependency

· Western democracy and the conflict of culture

· Foreign institutions and the problem of adaptability

· Rural-urban divide and the challenge of active citizenship

· Education, culture and the leadership question

The Nature of Political Leadership in Postcolonial Africa

· The role of Africa’s independence leaders in setting leadership standards

· Leadership recruitment processes

· The role of culture in determining the type of leaders that emerge

· Religion and leadership

· Foreign interventions in domestic policies

· Education, training and leadership

· L e a d e r s h i p , E t h n i c i t y a n d Separatism/Secessionism

· Democracy and accountability

· Citizenship, expectations, and civic engagements

· The role of civil society in holding leaders accountable

· The role of the media in African politics

· Class and the political economy of leadership recruitment

· Africa’s Big Men

· Patriarchy, gender and the leadership question

Institutions in Postcolonial Africa

· The nature of political and economic institutions

· Evolution of institutions in postcolonial Africa

· Colonialism and the legacies of exploitation and expropriation

· Military intervention and role in the development and growth of institutions

· Examination of critical institutions of the state – public service, the Police Force, etc.

· Constitution development in postcolonial Africa

· Property rights institutions

· Anti-corruption crusades and institutional reforms

· Law enforcement and the judiciary

· Economic systems, financial institutions and systems

· Election institution, concept, process, outcomes, and consequences

· Law enforcement and anti- corruption institutions

· Institutions and informal politics and spaces

· The future of traditional institutions in Africa

The Cold War and Africa’s Postcolonial Leadership

· Africa’s decolonization and the Cold War

· The impact of the Cold War on Africa’s independence leaders

· The nature of foreign interventions during the Cold War

· The Cold War and the emergence of violent political culture

· International legitimacy versus domestic popularity for African leaders

· The Cold War and Africa’s political institutions

· Post-Cold War transformations of African leadership

Multilateral Institutions in Africa

· The role of the World Bank and IMF in Africa’s economic systems

· Public debt and the choices of African leaders

· Foreign interests and interventions in leadership selection

· Economic development ideologies versus local realities

· The futility of universal recipes in economic policies

· Foreign aid and leaders’ responsibilities

· Conditionalities and citizens’ welfare

· The future of development assistance to Africa

· The effect of foreign aid on institutions

· The influence and contribution of ECOWAS, A U , a n d o t h e r  r e g i o n a l / c o n t i n e n t a l oragnizations

· Commonwealth, UN, and other international organizations on African politics

Information Technology and Social Media

· Social media and citizens’ demand for leadership accountability

· Dissemination of government programs

· Social media and government transparency

· Information technology and the election process

· Leadership recruitment, retention and removal

· Citizenship participation in the governance process

· Public engagements and institutional change


· Education and citizenship rights

· The relationship between education, industry and bureaucracy

· State involvement in education

· Quality and availability of basic and compulsory leadership education

· History, leadership and the African state

· The role of the media in institutions building

Creativity and Performance of Leadership/Institutional deficits

· Creative governance

· Leadership Accountability

· Models of institutional checks and balances

· Governance peer review mechanism

Each individual proposal must include: 1) title of the work and an abstract of 200 words, 2) the name of the presenter (with the surname underlined). 3) mailing address, 4) number phone, 5) email, 6) institutional affiliation, and 7) three to five keywords that best characterize the themes and topics relevant to your submission. Participants are encouraged to abide by these guidelines.

Proposals for panels (3-5 presenters) must include: 1) title of the panel and a collective summary of 250 words on the panel’s theme, including the title of each individual work 2) a 200-word abstract for the presentation of each speaker 3) mailing address 4) phone number 5) email and 6) institutional affiliation of each presenter. Panels with four presenters or less may be completed with other relevant presentations.

Proposals will further be accepted till July 10, 2023 and should be sent to uof

A mandatory non-refundable registration fee of $100 dollars for scholars (or the Nigerian equivalents in Naira) and $50 for graduate students (or the Nigerian equivalents in Naira ) must be paid immediately upon the acceptance of the abstract. This conference fee includes a conference bag, admission to the panels, workshops, special events, and transportation to and from the hotel and conference events.

Confirmed key Note and Lead Speakers at Plenaries/Members of LOC:

1.-Key Note Speaker -Professor Eghosa Oseghae-Director, Nigerian Institute for international Affairs, Lagos

2. First Lead Paper Presenter -Professor Jibrin Ibrahim-Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD),Abuja 3.Second Lead Paper Presenter -Professor Uchenna Okeja-Rhodes University,South Africa

4. Professor Lawrence Ogbo Ugwuanyi-Department of Philosophy, University of Abuja-Member, Organising Committee

5. Professor Philip Akpen-Department of History, University of Abuja- Member, Organising Committee 6.Dr.Umar Kari-Department of Sociology, University of Abuja- Member, Organising Committee

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Kenyatta University Holds Toyin Falola At 70 Conference



Kenyatta University Holds Toyin Falola At 70 Conference

The Department of History, Archeology and Political Science of the Kenyatta University is set to hold a Toyin Falola at 70 Conference.

The conference with the theme “Post-Colonial Africa: Historical and Contemporary Realities” is scheduled to take place between May 10 and 12, 2023 at the Kenyatta University.

Modern African economic, socio-cultural, and political realities have been considerably influenced and defined by colonialism. Colonialism created the foundation of the post-colonial. Since the start of the post-colonial and (especially) the post-cold war era, there has been increased academic interest in colonialism– both in the classic and the neo-colonial forms. There have also been considerable academic and non-academic efforts at decoloniality and decolonizing Africa. These efforts have led to studying and documenting African pre-colonial history, literature, and cultural intricacies to achieve self-determination and re-establish the African identity. It is, therefore, necessary and logically consistent with the above to study Africa’s past in relation to its present. Essentially, it is important that aside from examining the print of colonial pedagogy, methods, and philosophies, Africa is studied in the light of its actions, attempts at self-governance, and realities defined by its stakeholders.

READ ALSO: Toyin Falola Donates Over 500 Books To Kaduna State University Library

A considerable effort has been directed at researching, documenting, and analyzing Post-colonial Africa across different fields of the Arts and the Humanities. Through such efforts concepts such as neo-colonialism, political hegemony, economic instability, societal disillusionment, administrative lapses among others that touch on the African post-colonial condition have been explored by several researchers and academicians. However, the very basis of the evolution of knowledge and the foundation of the academic world is the consistent evaluation of knowledge, theories, and philosophies. As much as there has been enhanced scholarship around the aforementioned issues, there are still thematically important aspects of Post-Colonial Africa that are relatively unexplored or under-explored. New concepts, skepticism, and relatively new subject matters have developed with the continent’s evolution – particularly concerning socio-culture, administration, globalization, conflicts, diplomacy, and ideological paradigms. For instance, it may be important to define the extent to which pre-colonial Africa influences the post-colonial realities of its nation-states, regions, and Sub-regions, as it applies across respective fields.

Other relevant aspects of the post-colonial African reality like identity dynamics and minority politics, institutions and sub-institutions in Africa, diaspora dynamic, administrative evolution in Africa, Post-colonial gender dynamics in Africa, intercultural realities of distinct nation-states in Africa, cultural awareness, and preservation in Africa, decolonial legal education and practice, ideological politics in post-colonial African, among others. The COVID-19 pandemic presented new dynamics to interpret and understand the place of post-colonial Africa in the world in light of global power politics and diplomatic spate over the causes of COVID-19, vaccine politics, and international travel restrictions. COVID-19 highlighted the need to rethink post-colonial Africa’s readiness to respond to global challenges independently.

The Department of History, Archeology and Political Studies through the Research and Innovation Committee (DRIC) plans to host a conference that is directed at answering the conceptual questions that underline some key aspects of post-colonial Africa – as defined by the necessary contextual factors and underlining theories. The conference is expected to feature different themes and introduce concepts, arguments, and theories that are well-adjusted to current African realities.

The department also wishes to use the occasion to celebrate the 70-year life journey of Professor Toyin Falola, a world renowned Distinguished Professor of History and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities, at the University of Texas at Austin. Professor Falola has dedicated his entire academic life, with over 150 titles under his name, reflecting on the African condition both in historical and contemporary terms. In March 2022, the Department hosted Professor Falola, who gave thought provoking lectures on “Decolonization of Africa Studies”. As a department, we are keen to use the conference to continue enriching our conversations around this and related themes, enhance our scholarly connections and collaborations, establish new research and publication partnerships as well as strengthen existing ones.


The conference sub-themes will include but are not limited to the following:

  • Decoloniality, and decolonization, as it intertwines with post-colonial studies
  • Internationalization in the African region – key factors for consideration should include Pan-Africanism as examined through the lens of its basis, the status quo, and possible ways forward.
  • Post-colonial economy and the role of the nation-state in establishing independent regional control
  • Resource control as it affects neo-colonialistic affiliations and European hegemonic influence in Post-colonial Africa
  • Liberal ideological predispositions and the socio-philosophical future of the African Nation states – with considerations to the influence of the youth demography
  • Developmental politics in Post-colonial Africa
  • Gender dynamics and politics in Post-colonial Africa
  • Post-colonial Literature and the future of the arts in Africa
  • Migration, conflicts, and peace actions in post-colonial Africa
  • Regional collaboration and diplomatic politics in Post-Colonial Africa

The conference is expected to attract participation from academicians, researchers, experts and practitioners in the area of African history and other related humanities and social science disciplines. These shall be drawn from mainly Kenyan and other African institutions as well as from outside the Africa continent. The conference will allow for a blended mode where some participants will be present on-site at Kenyatta university while others will present online.

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Prospective participants are encouraged to send abstracts of between 250 and 500 words, including their full contact details (title, name, address, email address and telephone number) as well as their institutional affiliation by 30th February, 2023 to:

Final Output
Authors of accepted abstracts will be notified by 5th March 2023 and asked to prepare full papers to be presented during the conference. The official language of the conference will be English. Papers presented at the conference will be peer reviewed and published in an edited volume.

Important Dates

27th January, 2023: Call for Papers/Abstracts
30th February, 2023: Deadline for Receipt of Abstracts
5th March 2023: Notification of Acceptance of Abstracts/Papers
15th April 2023: Deadline for receipt of Full papers
20th April, 2023: Registration begins
1st May, 2023: End of Registration
10th to 12 May 2023: Conference Dates

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