Opinion
Professor Akinjide Osuntokun At 80: The Tour De Force Life
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
As I see it, the Nigerian dream is to rise (through hard work) against the backdrop of harsh social, economic, and financial circumstances and reach the pinnacle of whatever height we set our sights on. Across cultures, ages, and fields, history is replete with stories of many great men who started from humble backgrounds. However, in the case of Akinjide Osuntokun, the indigeneity – the recency, the similarity of background, challenges, and the stories – confers a sentimental value on his story for me and, I believe, many other Nigerians. It gives off a sense of relatability, belonging, and hope.
Osuntokun’s life is the ideal metaphor for what Nigeria and Nigerians dream of daily. It is a realisation of hope: a proof that there is light at the end of the dark tunnel that Nigerians and Nigeria are in. It is also a testimony to the existence of a few sane intellectuals, individuals who still care about the nation and are hopeful for the restoration of its polity. To put it into the context of Osuntokun’s origin, his life exemplifies Joyce Meyer’s quote about small beginnings being launching pads for remarkable things. This piece tells the story of a true son of Oduduwa, a compatriot and a leader, a man who has indelibly engraved his name on the sands of time through his dedication and commitment to excellence.
Unlike most elites who have influenced history, Osuntokun’s background alone may not mirror his current achievements or his illustrious siblings. Of course, I do not mean this in condescension to his community of origin. Rather, I mean it as another factor to consider in appreciation of the trajectory of his career and consequential contributions to the state of Nigeria. Like he is always proud to say, Osuntokun was born in an Ekiti town in 1942 – a period when western education was trying to gain ground in the country, and many thought it did not amount to much. He did not come from a family especially endowed with generational wealth and fancy inheritances, but his lineage had a reputation for their determination, willpower, and physical prowess. A sixth child in a polygamous home, he was privileged to have formal education. This, however, did not spare him the rigours of work after he started schooling. He worked the ground, did domestic chores, and contributed in his little way to the family economy – as customary for male children of his age group in those days.
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As a young boy, his formal education gave him cosmopolitan and political exposure, the bedrock for what later developed to be nationalism and an unwavering sense of patriotism. From Holy Trinity School, Ilawe, he switched to Emmanuel Primary School in Ado-Ekiti, where his socialisation evolved. Ado-Ekiti was bigger and more cosmopolitan, and this transition began his exposure to the real world of people and their differences. He left primary school for his secondary school education at Christ’s School, where what evolved to be his diligent academic career started. As a promising young man under the eagle eyes of his teachers and his brother, he completed this phase of his education with a record of the highest number of distinctions in the West African School Certificate Examination.
In the absence of the right facilities and structures to guide their decision, Osuntokun, like most of his other colleagues, proceeded to study History at the University of Ibadan, leaving the offer to study Law in Lagos hanging. The primary reason for this choice, according to him, was his mother’s sentiments towards the legal profession and the advice of an older colleague. Quite a lot happened during his studentship at the university. For instance, he and his friends founded what evolved into the Eiye Confraternity today. The group, which was formed just for lively conversations, parties, and sometimes philosophical discussions, was hijacked and made into a secret society that mirrored Ogboni tradition. During his days at the University of Ibadan, Osuntokun also met his wife, whom he revers and openly talks about whenever he gets the chance.
Success, sometimes, they say, can feel like a curse. Even for someone like Osuntokun, life was not always fair despite the knowledge he wields and the reputation that precedes him. By predisposition, the Osuntokuns are present across different spheres of public service, politics, and academics. For instance, Professor Kayode Osuntokun (of blessed memory) was a pioneer in neuro-medical research in Nigeria and throughout the globe. His eldest brother, Akin Osuntokun, was one of the pioneer legislators in the Western Region of post-independence Nigeria. Abiodun Osuntokun was another of Akinjide’s siblings who lived and died as a military officer in service to the national course.
Professor Akinjide Osuntokun experienced first-hand what it means to be a victim of a great name. His exposure to politics came quite early due to his brother’s affiliation with the political elites in the Western region at the time. Through his brother, he was indirectly involved in the consequences of complicated political schisms that heralded the 1960s when the country was trying to find its feet in the republic. Some deep-seated intra-ethnic schisms rocked the political atmosphere of the Western region during this period. In fact, in his accounts of his life, he described how he was exposed to taunting, verbal abuse, fear, and hatred due to his brother’s involvement in the Akintola and Awolowo saga.
Essentially, Akinjide Osuntokun is not just a professor of history; he has lived through some of the historical moments in western and national politics. Despite this rather rough introduction to politics and public service, he still took on the mantle of service to the country later in his career – a feat considered quite impressive. For instance, aside from its historical relevance, his academic work sometimes incorporates an objective critique of the Nigerian polity and nationally relevant past and present decisions. He has also served as a public commentator, addressing administrative flaws and policy deficiencies in the country while in service and after his formal exit from the national diplomatic service. His appointment was terminated because he was a threat to the indiscriminate governance and ruthless dictatorship perpetrated by the late General Sani Abacha. It did not stop there. He was arrested, detained, and treated like a criminal for speaking the truth to power and standing up for the commoner.
I particularly consider this phase of his life to hold significant lessons for Nigerians and posterity. For one, despite his appointment as a stakeholder in the diplomatic affairs of the Nigerian state, he did not allow himself to be leashed by the benefits attached to it. In his exact words, his story is that of “a boy whom through hard work and humble beginnings made it to Olympian heights, dined with Queens and Kings, Presidents and Prime ministers without getting carried away by all the glitter.” Also, the threshold of challenges he has pushed through is surprisingly high, considering the trajectory of his personal life and his life in public service.
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It would not have been surprising if, due to his initial experience with national politics and his detainment, he stopped contributing openly to policy and administration in Nigeria. However, he has persistently and continually contributed to matters of national importance with the subjectivity of a compatriot using the different tools available to him. This includes his investment in the fourth estate and the numerous columns he writes for media houses across the country. At different points in Professor Osuntokun’s life, he has shown exemplary willpower and persistence. This attribute to persevere despite all challenges and to always stick to the fair side of the moral spectrum inspires me, and I hope it inspires posterity in Nigeria and Africa collectively.
Before any serious nationalistic involvements, Osuntokun has been involved in political activism (for racial equality) and an organised demand for administrative accountability. As a transfer student during his undergraduate days, he experienced ridiculous acts of condescension by white people. Later during his post-graduate studies in Canada, he discovered the effect of propaganda, policies, and education on identity, racial ideology, and self-awareness. In his observation in his autobiography, the education of the Black community, coupled with the situation of policies, governance, and economics, restricted the Black Canadians at that time within the mental prison of inferiority. They were not overly ambitious about education, career, or even a structured life in their psychology. Bound by duty, Osuntokun – like other African intellectuals at that time – developed an interest in racial liberation politics and dedicated a substantial portion of his time to it. This is yet another lesson for the intelligentsia today that change does not come through armchair criticism and self-pity. It only does this through knowledge and applying it correctly to challenge the status quo and create a new and more convenient reality.
My favourite part of Osuntokun’s life is his body of academic work and, by extension, his lecturing. This is not because of a compulsive inclination as his student, fellow academic, and historian, but due to three major things. First is his publications’ sheer depth and relevance, especially as sources for historical research. Two, the brilliance of these academic compendia even though he started when relevant resources were not abundant. Three, the expanse of his experience is mirrored in his teaching resume, his writings (academic and otherwise), and how he articulates his words (in speech). The bulk of his works (even his autobiography) served as objective primary and secondary sources for vital pre-and post-independence historical research in Nigeria and, by extension, Africa. Quite impressively, he has dedicated an ample chunk of his life’s work to researching and documenting Yoruba history and the evolution of its preservation over time.
At this point, I will like to reference some of his works and their contents that I consider exceptional. First are the different biographies he authored – The Merchant Prince and the Monarch, J. F Ajayi: His Life and Career (co-edited with Michael Omolewa), Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh: In Time and Space, and Abidakun, his autobiography. These were not just accounts of the lives of these individuals; they were written in the context of their historical relevance. For instance, The Merchant Prince and the Monarch is a biography of a Soun of Ogbomoso. However, the account references an objectively accurate background history of Ogbomoso, the kingship, and the families of prominent figures mentioned. This professional compulsion (I presume) and scholarly elegance are particularly evident even in his autobiography, Abidakun: An Autobiography of Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, which starts with a summary of the history of the Ekiti people, particularly the Ajapo Ise, and their evolution. There are very few well-articulated summaries of indigenous Yoruba history like that.
The last on this list is his extensive research and publication on Chief S. L. Akintola, the controversial political stakeholder of the Western Region in the 1960s. This particular work has a sentimental value for Osuntokun; after all, he was a victim of the Akintola/Awolowo political controversy in which he had no hand. However, the most important thing is the courage it must have taken to publish the work and the amount of effort that must have gone into it. During the time in question, historical research was not just limited by the unavailability of resources but also by a conspicuous lack of documentation and records. The few available records in the academic repositories were lost due to the nonchalance of custodians or irrelevant political pettiness. Despite these challenges, Osuntokun did an impressively thorough job of research and documentation. This publication has been helpful to me and other people in our evolution as academics in the field of political and historical research.
Additionally, Osuntokun’s intelligence covers a considerable expanse of spheres. Some of his books and scholarly publications were written in deference to specific national and international issues. He has done remarkable work in politics, diplomacy, foreign policy analysis, psychology, and even sustainable global development goals in Nigeria. His depth of knowledge, willingness to apply it and consistent demonstration of correct application are some of his most endearing attributes. It would be incomplete to reference Osuntokun’s academic achievements without properly recognising his contributions to consolidating African history as an academic interest in Nigeria and other parts of the world, especially the West Indies.
During his days outside the country’s shores, the icon pioneered structured teachings of African history at the University of West Indies. This act particularly kept the embers of the African cultural heritage burning among the Black community in the Caribbean. The foundation he laid through his peculiar style of imparting knowledge contributed immensely to the sustenance of a culturally conscious and self-appreciative diaspora. Outside of the classroom, Osuntokun was also instrumental in explaining the origins of some cultural practices of African origin widely practised in the West Indies. From that time in the 1970s till now, his influence on the African academic community is still recognised, especially in discourses spanning African history and cultural uniqueness. He was offered a long-term appointment because of his resourcefulness, teaching expertise, and overall warm disposition. However, he declined and returned home to contribute to the development of his own country, regardless of the surrounding circumstances. I consider this very thoughtful, especially since the country was just trying to recover from the civil war and evolve into a proper federation.
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Osuntokun’s experience in teaching, administration, and international relations later got him an appointment as a director of the National University Commission on an academic mission to Canada. Through diplomacy and diligence, he contributed to paving the path for academics, many of whom I know. Despite the non-substantial benefits attached to his portfolio, he worked hard to secure the future of foreign scholarships for Nigerian students – something a host of people benefitted from. Portfolios like his drew bureaucratic complications and similar disturbances; however, given his previous knowledge of navigating workplace issues, he again set a stellar record of excellent performance, which I believe was instrumental in his subsequent appointment as a diplomat to Germany. He was helpful in locating institutions in Canada and liaising productive partnerships between them and Nigerian institutions. From his observations and research in Canada, he also contributed to some of the progressive policy recommendations for university administration.
It would be thoroughly exhaustive to discuss Professor Jide Osuntokun’s service and achievements. His several decades of service include lecturing positions, editorial portfolios, directorship, diplomatic positions, administrative roles (especially in universities in Nigeria), and many more. His personal life and career have spanned continents like Africa, Europe, and South and North America. He has a list of awards and symbols of recognition to commemorate his un-paralleled efforts in public service, administration, and academia. Some of these include being an Emeritus Professorship, Redeemer’s University; an Emeritus Professorship, University of Lagos; a fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters; an Officer, Order of the Niger; a Fellow, Historical Society of Nigeria; a faculty role of honours awardee at the University of Ibadan; a Presidential Honour, Republic of Equatorial Guinea; an Irving and Bonar Graduate Prize awardee, and so on.
Nevertheless, this account would be grossly incomplete without reference to the professor’s family life, which he is especially proud of. Professor Osuntokun, despite the different demands of his occupation and travels, is a dedicated family man. In my little understanding of his personality, family is and will always be a core of Professor Osuntokun’s life. His family has been with him through the thick and thin of public and administrative life and after. Perhaps this was due to his upbringing; after all, people who grew up in stable families tend to value the sacredness of the institution. However, I believe the overall success of his family was also due to his late wife’s persona and the love they have for each other. Indeed, he who finds a wife finds a good life. After a series of not-so-successful attempts at dating, Akinjide met the bone of his bone, Dr. Abiodun Osuntokun, when she was a secondary school student in Saint Anne’s, Ibadan. Abiodun Osuntokun would later attend Obafemi Awolowo University in Nigeria and another school in Canada.
Abiodun and Akinjide got married in Canada in 1969, and they had a mutually beneficial relationship that produced children – Fola, Seyi, Yewande, and Tosin Osuntokun – who are excelling in their respective careers. Fola Osuntokun is a finance professional in the United Kingdom; Seyi is a successful engineer in Canada; Tosin is a renowned physician and cardiology expert in Dublin; Yewande champions diversity and inclusion as a strategy director at Novartis in Toronto.
Finally, I would like to remark that Osuntokun’s life and the inherent lessons are materials for books and extensive studies; hence, I cannot capture everything. However, let me put things into perspective with a little summary. He stands as a house set upon a hill; he has built a legacy of hope and uprightness and has created many opportunities for others to take up the mantle. He stands resolute by the circumstances of his birth, the family name, and the big shadow of his sibling’s greatness. He carves a path for himself and posterity and leaves lessons for us on how to navigate life. Professor Akinjide Osuntokun’s name is material in the halls of fame. I am certain that history will continue to remember the intellect whose hands carved it even in the coming decades.
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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Opinion
The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 12): The Price Of Peace And The Cost Of Conflict
Published
1 day agoon
September 11, 2024By Toyin Falola
Peace is an essential commodity, second only to oxygen, as it is a necessity for every individual. Regardless of the excellent condition of human biological components, the absence of peace can lead to tragic problems that undermine all they have accomplished. Peace is central to collective human development. Ironically, despite people’s awareness of the cardinal values of peace and their advancement, the rate at which conflicts at cross-country and international levels are perpetrated illustrates humans’ capacity for self-destruction. While it is undeniable that some groups of people derive satisfaction from inflicting violence on others, particularly the vulnerable, it is strange that certain groups deliberately incentivize conflicts due to their tempting rewards. This highlights the complexity of human nature and the intricate relationships they maintain among themselves.
Thabo Mbeki, as a leader of a vibrant black country, South Africa, has emphasized the importance of peaceful coexistence among humanity and the extent to which he, and others alike, have committed both human and economic resources to achieving peace and mitigating conflicts, especially in war-torn societies across the world. Seeking peace is to advocate for tolerance, which is crucial for ascertaining a sound ecology for trade and cultural exchange.
Prof.Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki
The ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel has not only strained the relationship between the two countries but has also increased the inflammatory potential in the region, making it difficult, if not impossible, to foster economic growth and technological advancement. As a leader of the free world, Mbeki understands that unchecked violence poses risks to the safety of others. When conflicts are allowed to persist without resolution, the ripple effects are inevitable. For instance, while the prevalence of violence in the Middle East may not have direct or immediate and measurable consequences on South Africa, a deeper analysis reveals that it would bring a litany of horrendous challenges to the people.
Africa’s proximity to the Middle East exposes it to the secondary danger of being a potential ground for mass migration of people seeking safety from conflicts in their countries. Meanwhile, the problem of having a significant exodus of people into a continent already striving for economic stability could ignite a new wave of crises that may not necessarily occur on the war fronts. In essence, foresighted leaders like Mbeki must confront such challenges proactively to safeguard their interests, as neglecting preventive actions could jeopardize long-term stability.
Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki
The promotion of peaceful coexistence as a foundation for a prosperous future is not born from weakness; rather, it reflects having an excellent disposition to the future. Mbeki often emphasizes that South Africa’s approach to governance is deeply rooted in historical understanding, particularly of the centuries-long exploitation at the hands of the former colonial powers, with England playing a central role. Nevertheless, these African leaders chose to sweep the materials of history behind them and embrace dialogue–not out of a desire to play the game of vendetta but from a genuine commitment to build a prosperous future.
Mbeki believes that once there is a demonstration of commitment from the Europeans, they can forge alliances with them, provided this commitment is backed by deliberate efforts to move beyond the precarious issues of the past. Therefore, it is understandable when Mbeki emphasizes the importance of investing in any activity that would foster peace between them and other nations to enable progressive engagements. A peaceful environment is essential for all forms of development, including economic and technological advancements critical to modern transformation.
On the home front, it is undeniable that South Africa, under the leadership of these emancipators, is making tremendous strides to dispel any wrong notions that may have been generated against them. They are taking bold and calculated steps to pave a harmonious path toward the continent’s success. In essence, for South Africans to convince outsiders about their intentions to make great choices and stand by them, it is important to first make a courageous impact from the home front. If they struggle to gain the trust of other Southern African countries about their desires to lead the path to economic rediscovery, it would be nearly impossible to rally broader support for their political and economic rejuvenation campaign. Against this backdrop, they were making significant investments to integrate South Africa with other countries within the region to lay solid foundations for sustainable development.
Mbeki’s efforts exemplify the efforts of a foresighted leader. This is evident in how he was embraced and treated with respect and honour during his visits to different African countries. He established himself as a key advocate for economic prosperity and political freedom in the region. This has significantly increased his popularity among his peers across these nations. It is important to state that Mbeki’s bold statements and actions have been carefully evaluated by other countries, which have observed his confident leadership and his ability to bring people together to attain a common goal.
Regional cooperation is crucial for promoting inclusivity and fairness for everyone, irrespective of their political leanings. The fact of history is that South Africa and other countries in the region have experienced cultural and ideological interchange, influenced by common linguistic heritage and long-standing moral values. Colonialism and apartheid should not be the basis for an abusive relationship that entertains different voices. Contrary to the pessimistic assumption that Africa is polarized by factors such as ideological philosophy, moral principles, and cultural identities, the reality remains that the continent’s long history of coexistence has blurred these lines and boundaries.
Therefore, it is crucial for African nations to immediately address divisive schematics pulled by minority groups to tinker with the peace they have been enjoying in the region. To prevent potential crises, they must actively engage in activities that foster togetherness and allow them to enjoy the inherent benefits of working together. The importance of unity in Africa is underscored by the intrinsic strength that comes from collaborating to achieve a common purpose.
In essence, the success of many countries in the world today comes from their coordinated efforts and cooperation in achieving their objectives. This way, trans-country conflicts would be faced with unified rejection to demonstrate to outsiders the seriousness of African leaders in combating altercations that deter investors. Sustainable integration among African countries would not only help eliminate terrorism on the continent but also foster a reinvigorated system and create the foundation for progressive engagements.
This is why Mbeki has become an agent of peace, crusading for the outright erasure of dangerous engagements that could hinder the attainment of peace on the continent. His outstanding efforts and remarkable achievements in promoting unity and understanding among Africans cannot be overlooked. In his power, he has made it possible for Africans to recognize their true potential. He points out that Africans were not brought up to hate and despise others, and unless the frustration becomes unbearable, they have always been welcoming and accommodating.
The price for peace, as paid by this precious human, is the concerted efforts made through his visits to different African countries, urging them to avoid violence and shun conflicts at all costs. Mbeki understands that allowing conflicts to persist impedes progress and makes it challenging to achieve the people’s desirable goals.
PS: This is the concluding contribution to a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials from the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series was composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.
Opinion
The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics
Published
2 days agoon
September 10, 2024By Toyin Falola
The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.
Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.
Thabo Mbeki
To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.
Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.
Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.
Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.
It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).
The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.
More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.
For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.
This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.
PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.
Opinion
Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore
Published
4 days agoon
September 8, 2024By Leo Igwe
As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.
I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.
Igwe,PhD, is a board member of Humanists International, UK.
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