Opinion
Professor Akin Mabogunje In His Student’s Ink (Part 1)
Published
3 months agoon
By Tony Afejuku
I bring to my readers’ attention today the words of gold and diamond combined in unusual ink manufactured by Professor Megbolugbe, PhD FRICS, Senior Advisor and Principal GIVA International, Illinois, USA. The retired Professor from Johns Hopkins University, a former student (of the late Professor Mabogunje), who currently resides in America, utters the words you are about to devour as a scintillating review that is more than a twinkling review of his late teacher’s – the late Professor Emeritus Akin Mabogunje’s – autobiography. (The late Professor Emeritus Akin Mabogunje passed on almost two years ago).
This sparkling review of a marvellous scholar of every marvellous scholar’s scholastic heart found me in circumstances that will always animate my poetic sensibilities. Now, dear readers, enjoy yourselves with delightful delights.
Isaac Megbolugbe
Introduction
Reading Emeritus Professor Akin Mabogunje’s autobiography, almost two years after his passing, was a transcendent experience that embodied memories, reflections, and emotions. The intersectionality of our connection – our shared experiences, his mentorship, and our friendship – made it feel like an out-of-body experience, filled with a sense of wonder, gratitude, and blessedness. The confluence of our lives was a precious gift, and I rejoice in having known him, learned from him, and been impacted by his life and legacy.
Prof. Isaac Megbolugbe
Nevertheless, the huge void left by his demise still reverberates, leaving a crippling sense of disorientation and disillusionment in its wake. The intellectual and leadership vacuum created by his departure continues to be acutely felt, both in the industry and on a personal level. In tribute to his enduring legacy, I revisited his autobiography, which inspired this heartfelt Tribute. His absence remains a piercing reminder of the immense impact he had on our lives and the vast chasm he left behind.
His Vision
With the benefit of hindsight over a career of almost 50 years that labored on a variety of assignments at the state and federal levels about different aspects of the development of Nigeria, all he could report was that the country might be positioned to see what he has envisioned all his life, but not sure if the country would be able to realize it. Nevertheless, he was hopeful that it might eventually emerge. Only a sage of his caliber could frame his disappointment, heartbreak, and dismal picture of Nigeria as eloquently as he did in his autobiography.
The vision that remained emergent to Mabogunje is the same vision articulated more than five decades ago under the direction of his late colleague, Professor Ojetunji Abayode in the Second National Development Plan (1970-74):
“i. A united, strong and self-reliant nation
ii. A great and dynamic economy
iii. A just and egalitarian society
iv. A land of bright and full opportunities for all citizens A
v. A free and democratic society.”
Mabogunje acknowledged that the inability of the Nation to realize the vision set for it has always been a feature of Nigerian polity secured by its political patron, UK and ingrained agency that has sustained what Mr. Harold Smith, an Oxford graduate, called “Northern domination” of Nigeria (see page. 654). In a sense, what Mabogunje said amounted to this: “The deck was stacked against me, and no matter how hard I try or how brilliant my ideas and programs were, the system was rigged to ensure the Nation’s failure.” Mabogunje argued that the corruption of purposes, people, performance and prosperity in Nigeria was predesigned and successfully implemented, consistently, to prevent the emergence of a developmental state and to ensure that the British could achieve its own exploitative goals and objectives. He offered three sets of evidence as proofs of his charges. First was the Biafran war. Second was the thirty years of military rule. Third was the emphasis on an ascriptive, rather than a universalistic criterion, for staffing and leadership positions in Nigeria.
Mabogunje’s attempt to end his autobiography on a hopeful note, perhaps caused him to choose a dialectical approach aimed at understanding the relationships and tensions between the perspectives he shared with many but pivoted to embrace aspirational visioning of the future trajectory and therefore the current mindset about the meaning of what has transpired in the Nation’s development over the past 50 years. However, his narrative turned polemical. Instead of synthesizing and integrating different viewpoints to arrive at a deeper understanding or a higher level of truth about the dilemma that the Nation’s development faced, he deployed rhetorical strategies to persuade or convince us of his aspirational perspective. That being said, dialectics can sometimes be used as a means of engaging in polemics, and the line between the two can become blurred. However, in principle, dialectics is a more constructive and inclusive approach aimed at understanding and growth, rather than simply winning an argument. Mabogunje surrendered ultimately to humility by referencing his limited impact to “fumbling”; perhaps he wanted to take responsibility rather than pass the buck. But his humility belied his already brilliant analysis that amounted to the situation that he was, namely that “The odds arrayed against him were insurmountable, and the system’s features were intentionally crafted to hinder the Nation’s progress, regardless of his efforts, abilities or strategies.”
His Leadership
Professor Emeritus Akin Mabogunje
Mabogunje’s vision of his leadership career is aligned to his strive for excellence and mastery in his field, recognizing that skillful work would earn recognition. He aimed to make a significant impact, influencing leaders and decision-makers (symbolized by “standing before kings”). For example, Nigeria’s President Obasanjo (1999-2007) said as follows about Mabogunje: ‘I drew from his well of endowment’ and described him as ‘a man of uniquely analytical mind’ and ‘enlightened scholarship’, who deserves ‘a place of honor in the roll of outstanding scholars, administrators, and statesmen of our generation’.
He sought to build a reputation for excellence, rather than being obscure or unknown. He understood that his work ethic and competence would determine his level of influence and leadership. By associating his vision with Proverbs 22:29 (Seest thou a man diligent in his business? He shall stand before kings; He shall not stand before men), Mabogunje aspired to lead with excellence, integrity, and a strong work ethic, aiming to make a meaningful impact in his field and be recognized for his expertise.
He became an embodiment of servant leadership, a concept that is deeply rooted in the Holy Scriptures. Jesus taught that true greatness comes from serving others, not from seeking power or status (Matthew 20:25-28, Mark 10:42-45). The Bible encourages leaders to have a servant’s heart, humbly serving others and putting their needs first (Philippians 2:3-4, Galatians 5:13). It portrays leadership as an act of service, not a means of gaining power or control (1 Peter 5:2-3, Matthew 23:11). Servant leaders are called to humility and obedience, following Jesus’ example (Philippians 2:5-8, John 13:12-15). The Scriptures use the metaphor of shepherding to describe leaders who care for and serve their flock (Psalm 23, John 10:11). These principles and examples from the Holy Scriptures form the foundation of servant leadership, emphasizing humility, service, and putting others first are internalized by Mabogunje. No wonder he was so admired, respected and iconized.
To be continued…
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
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Opinion
Trump 2.0 And US-Africa Relations: Courting A Derided Continent
Published
13 hours agoon
November 13, 2024By Toyin Falola
For many Africans, the epic story of Donald Trump did not start with his victory at the polls on November 5, 2024. It started with his profane characterization of Africa as replete with “shithole countries,” a statement that drew ire from across the continent. The undiplomatic nature of that comment, nonetheless, it would appear that Trumpist conservatism managed to find its way into the hearts of Africans wary of Harris-inspired wokeism. And this is by no means recent. Following the inauguration of Trump into office for his first tenure, he fired a salvo of actions that immediately earned the United States an uncharacteristic designation as isolationist. As one media outfit reports, perceptions of Donald Trump recorded sharp plummets in various countries, including America’s stalwart, traditional European partners.
In Nigeria and Kenya, however, the data was considerably more inspiring. The Pew Research Centre in 2018 revealed that support for the Republicans stood at 59% in Nigeria and 56% in Kenya. In South Africa, where views were noticeably dimmer, it was 39%. By 2020, notable shifts had occurred in the data obtained by Pew in its polling of the three countries — 65% of Kenyans, 58% of Nigerians, and 42% of South Africans, now believed that Trump would do the right thing in world affairs. Once again, these perceptions differed from an international average of confidence levels pegged at 29%, a dismal figure buoyed by countries disenchanted with him. Analysts have argued that a slew of reasons drives the 78-year-old’s fan base in African countries, sometimes united thematically and other times as diverse as the historical backgrounds of the nations themselves. In essence, while some African respondents may find it convenient to side with Trump for his symbolism as the protector of their conservative — patriarchally-inspired — sentiments, they could differ for the more specific reasons for America’s foreign policy towards the continent as in the case of South Africa. Nigeria appears to present a multi-layered case as some have described their Trumpism as being rooted in pursuit of vengeance on the leadership.
For them, it is not simply his unfiltered commentary; it is the hawkish, acerbic stance he’s known to have taken towards African leaders and, indeed, practically all the international powers that the United States is in dalliance with. These individuals believe that having Trump as the president of the United States will force the Nigerian political elite to reconsider their commitments to national development, especially as the latter’s anti-immigration axe may befall Nigeria soonest. South Africa, on the other hand, mires its body language towards the West and international powers in old feelings of their roles in the apartheid struggle and their relationship with their country in the present day. It is for these exact reasons that despite Barack Obama’s African roots, his embodiment of American self-interested, domineering ideals in relation to Africa in particular left South Africans who had anticipated his leadership unimpressed. Having thus considered the likely state of the African mind towards Trump, the next line of inquiry is what his reentry into America’s presidential pantheon means for Africa. Unavoidably, this is a foreign policy conversation, and it is fitting to discuss it using the president’s records from his first term.
As always, when one thinks of Donald Trump’s first tenure in relation to Africa, the “shithole” comment and his anti-immigrant stance remain evergreen. These have painted him in unmistakable terms as unapologetically dismissive of the black continent and invested in seeking out parochial American objectives. Here, we find that the sheer international economic and political heft of the United States endows it with the luxury of acting punishingly towards other countries in the world and somewhat getting away with it in a manner that few, if any, other countries can boast of. This is observable in frameworks such as the Paris Agreement, which 196 world parties consider key to achieving a strategic pullback from the edge of the climatic southward spiral we are currently in. Despite the United States’ position as one of the largest polluters and, consequently, one of the countries whose reductions would have significant impacts, the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from the agreement went through nonetheless.
The Biden administration rejoined it as one of the first-day actions of his office to delight the global community and signpost the mega status of the United States. This is not comforting news. It implies near-omnipotence by a partner that leaves other parties little choice but to follow through. With Trump’s fondness for the transactional, African states may have so much yet simultaneously have so little to offer, in his estimation. Yet, notorious as he was, some argue in favour of Africa-focused policies launched during his tenure; the Prosper Africa programme is a case in point. This initiative, involving 17 US agencies, was designed to facilitate trade and investment in African countries on a mutually cooperative basis. Prosper Africa followed precedents in the Obama and Bush administrations, which respectively had ‘Power Africa’ and ‘President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)’. Remarkably, it survived the end of Trump’s tenure and, so far, Joe Biden’s too. Prosper Africa was structured mainly with the intention of responding to Russian and Chinese inroads into the continent, the latter being a greater concern due to its Belt and Road Initiative. Yet, despite US criticism of China as inducing African states into what it described as a debt trap, Prosper Africa was noticeably lacking in financial scale and depth.
Additionally, US trade was generally called out for its seeming preference for larger African economies with trade partnerships negotiated on bilateral rather than multilateral bases. The effect is a selective US-Africa policy founded on opportunism rather than genuine impacts. Particularly, such developments also derogate from the spirit of the African Continental Free Trade Area, which aims to integrate the world’s least connected continent in terms of intra-trade. The first Donald Trump tenure is similarly faulted for its hawkish position on aid programmes to the continent, with PEPFAR being an outsized target. The administration’s line at the inception of the tenure was that aid funding had turned into a cash cow, with billions of dollars channelled into health funding siphoned by corrupt African governments. A report by the New York Times reviewing the contents of a document submitted by the Trump transition team to the State Department indicated barely concealed scepticism and condescension towards the role of the United States in Africa. There, the concerns of officials weren’t just isolated to wariness about the perceived suspect attitude of the African leadership in matters of aid; it extended openly to the purpose of the investment in the first place when the continent is rife with numerous challenges of insecurity. Trump himself had at this point been credited with only a few remarks on the subject, but his perception of US involvement in countering the Ebola Virus was telling enough.
Unsurprisingly, part of his efforts to reduce federal spending was a request to Congress to rescind the over 250 million dollars set aside as excess from the US’s 2014 Ebola intervention for early response to a new outbreak. The rescission would have had scant impacts on government spending and instead harmed America’s ability to nip the particular emergency to which the funds related in the bud before it worsened. Pertinent to the consideration of this detail is the fact that US aid to individual countries, Israel, Afghanistan, and Iraq, in 2015 was nearly equal to the standard 8 billion dollars issued to the entire continent in the same year, suggesting the dominant perception of Africa’s status in the eyes of American policy planners. The dissolution of the Global Health and Security Defence Directorate, an arm of the National Security Council essential to the US response to health emergencies, accompanied the action aimed at the Ebola funds. Although it was largely left intact, the African Growth and Opportunities Act, a framework under which 6,900 products from 39 countries of the continent were granted eligibility for duty-free access to the US market, equally came under threat. Rwanda was on the receiving end of this as it was suspended from its tariff-free access after it had imposed duties on specific clothing. More importantly, however, there are fears that the vast majority of African states that are beneficiaries of this policy may now be left hanging if the president chooses not to renew it upon its expiration by 2025.
Trump 1.0 was notable for other things aside from his Africa trade policies. One of these was his position on security and immigration. In Nigeria, he is respected for having finally facilitated the release of the Super Tucano aircraft after the Obama administration had failed to do so. On immigration, his ban on Muslim entry into the United States affected some countries in Africa, including Nigeria, one of its heavyweights. The strange Nigerian paradox of admiration for a president that ignores them at worst and condescends at the best of times aside, the decision to restrict immigration was seen by many as a veritable threat to US diplomacy in Africa. As has now been the case in the last few decades, the sentiment is informed by the hegemonic theme of outmanoeuvring Russia and China. That, in essence, meant that policies that detracted from what should have been an important agenda only served Chinese and Russian purposes. The contradistinction between the United States’ posture during this period and the two countries’ lies in the latter’s tunnel vision in creating and maintaining interfaces with African governments. Authoritarian or not, Russia and China have shown vast appetites for propping up undesirable leadership.
Though Russia’s gambit is smaller in scale, its activities have raised concern because of the determined militaristic bent they have taken. The pariah state now seems to have a stake in the pie of sub-Saharan African countries fractured by coups and political instability. Its importance in West African politics ballooned when unmistakable Russian flags began to show up at protest or coup celebration sites. In Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, the repudiation of French and American statuses as security partners saw a hovering Kremlin swoop in to seize the spoils — to no commendable domestic outcomes thus far. That notwithstanding, the eponymous renaming of the Wagner Group to ‘Africa Corps’ transmits crystal evidence that Russia intends to stay. And it intends to do so through sheer opportunism in the crises of these states and those of Libya and Sudan. Still, where Russia’s Africa strategy feels vulturous, China has committed to winning through cash. Its visibility is spread across the continents using state-run behemoths to facilitate infrastructural development and financial aid. It is also seizing the initiative to pour in a flood of investments into the continent as the United States maintains a middling inflow. China is the largest provider of foreign direct investment to Africa, the largest lending source, the largest trading partner, and consequently, an undeniable force to reckon with diplomatically. America, in contrast, continues to see its relationship steeped in perfunctoriness.
After Trump became the first US president not to visit Africa since the Reagan years, Biden seems to be following suit with his approximately four-year stint of absenteeism in relationship-building visits to the continent. Additionally, while the Chinese have fostered a consistent and predictable medium of engagement with African partners through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, the United States has lagged severely in holding the door open for similar, broad opportunities for engagement. Its US-Africa Leaders Summit had only just been held for a second time in 2022 since its first outing in 2014. In choosing to pursue a fairly distant relationship, America concedes to its great power rivals a greater measure of control in the security and economic affairs of the continent. Because Africa is vital to its long-term policy of pushing back on Jihadist threats, allowing Russia and China to propagate the same factors that have historically driven regional instability defeats that goal. Worryingly, however, the precedents established by Donald Trump give little hope for change. If he pursues the same isolationist principles as before, he simultaneously risks estranging the continent and revving up the controversial diplomatic offers of China and Russia.
Yet, that thinking in itself may make matters worse. Seeing the US-Africa dynamic purely through the lenses of geopolitical counterweight risks derailing the genuineness and sustainability of any policies. The United States, under Trump or anybody at all, must be resolute about getting its skin in the game by committing as China does to futurism. It cannot respond to a Chinese military base with a new base of its own or scurry to buy back sympathy by lavishing attention on African states only when China does. It must first, and most importantly, be able to convince leaders that it has their interests at heart. In the long run, Africa cares about its growth and survival as any other nation does.
Neither its leaders, when they choose to be responsible, nor its people wish to be pawns on the boards of geopolitical mammoths. As such, a lateral approach that promises a win-win is optimal. Indeed, there is a lot of room for the Trump team to exploit if they so please. The African diaspora is immense, with countries such as Nigeria possessing up to 400,000 citizens abroad. China is equally not innocent of open self-interest in fora such as FOCAC and its fairly liberal issuance of debt packages. By exploring people-centred, democratic alternatives through open agreements and conversations that balance the interests of both parties, the United States can assert itself in Africa. Most of this is bureaucratic grunt work. And it remains to be seen whether the powerful Republicans will do it.
By Toyin Falola
‘T-pain’ is the new alias of our president, the Asiwaju of the Emilokan Dynasty. The first time I came across the new slang T-pain, I did not give much meaning to it because what does the American Rapper T-pain have to do with the truckload of Nigeria’s problem? But many thanks to the internet! I discovered that T-pain is rebranded as the personification of the Nigerian populace’s suffering under President Bola Tinubu’s administration. This is an adopted name for the pain Nigerians are experiencing due to the President’s economic reform and policies to restore the nation’s lost glory. Since entering politics, the President has gone by many nicknames: Jagaban to City Boy, Emilokan, and T-pain. Humour me, Nigerians, where does it end? Could it be that Mr. President finds it interesting to be the subject of humour for the people he represents? I think not.
The other day, I had a good laugh when I saw an ad from a popular food delivery app that said: “Order food and get free delivery on all orders. Use the code TPAIN.” And just like that, I knew the internet had found its latest meme. The irony is not lost on anyone. In a country where people struggle to afford a decent meal, the idea that T-pain, the symbol of national economic hardship, is now being used to promote a food delivery service feels almost too poetic. It is as if the advertisers knew precisely what was on the minds of Nigerians: this is the code we need, the code we are living under, that is keeping us from eating well.
The ‘T’ in T-pain refers to Tinubu, the captain who has sailed the nation’s ship into economic hardship. To those who believe in the vision and plans of his administration, T-pain means Temporary-Pain, as the president has described in his 64th Independence Anniversary Speech that reforms being implemented by his administration are showing positive signs and there is light at the end of the tunnel. Temporary hardship for the betterment of the economy. So, he says, keep enduring, e go better!
But most Nigerians do not seem to accept the plans and ambitions of T-pain as seeing is believing: leave what we cannot see, let us believe in what we can see. As this generation will say, “Leave Chochocho, show workings!” Mr. President claims to understand the struggles faced by the people in these challenging times and vows his commitment to finding sustainable solutions to alleviate their suffering. As genuine as the intentions might seem, it is difficult to believe in an administration that started with “Emilokan” as its catchphrase. The so-called economic reform has taken away the purchasing power of an average Nigerian. NELFUND is on the path of making education inaccessible to the average Nigerian without burying families in debt. How does one restore dignity to the country when education, the fundamental building block, becomes a luxury for those who can afford to gamble with their future?
Security reforms, but bandits can freely operate to the extent of damaging power supply to Northern states. Has security indeed improved? Petrol prices increased for the second time in October, and NNPC has officially crossed the 1000-naira mark. In the name of saving the cost of governance, he replaced 5 ministers, aside from the suspended one, by appointing seven new ones. Only P-BAT and his team understand his economics, and one needs to ask Mr. President the purpose of the so-called economic reform because we do not see how it has made life any better for Nigerians. In theory, reforms are meant to be a bridge to prosperity, a necessary disruption that realigns the economy for growth and development. The reforms have felt more like a series of policy missteps, or worse, deliberate choices to tighten the noose on ordinary Nigerians.
“Adiye nlaagun, iye ara e ni oje ka mo” is a Yoruba proverb that loosely translates to: “The chicken is sweating, but its feathers conceal it.” It is a metaphor that best describes the state of the Nigerian economy right now. While the average Nigerian is sweating through the daily grind, facing rising costs, and struggling to make ends meet, those in power seem to be unbothered and insulated from the suffering of the masses. The chicken’s feathers may look fine, but under the surface, the reality is that the economy is under intense pressure, and there is no sign of relief in sight. The elite might be untouched by the heat, but the average Nigerian is feeling the burn.
In Nigeria, the price of goods and services rises and never decreases. The okra seller at the market will sell five sticks to you for two hundred Naira, and if you dare ask why it is that expensive, she will give you a stern look and say, “Are you blind? Don’t you see that we’re in Tinubu’s era?” They either blame T-pain or remind you of petrol pump prices, which is also an offshoot of his administration. One way or another, T-pain is the new word on the lip of every Nigerian. This is not even the era where you take money to the market and buy something off your shopping list, nor do you come back from the market smiling. The prices of things have just skyrocketed, so much that the last time you bought them, the market women with their foul mouths insulted you for pricing their goods without using your church mind. If it is not that you do not have the fear of God in you, why else would you price a tuber of yam from seven thousand Naira to two thousand Naira? The okada man also advised you to use your leggediz benz since five hundred Naira is too much for you to pay him to get you to your destination, which used to cost two hundred Naira before T-pain’s administration. So, you trek halfway and then take a cab for the remainder of your journey home to beat the cost of transportation. You eventually get home and start calculating how you have just spent your minimum-wage salary- that the increment is yet to be implemented- on just one excursion to the market. Were you robbed? Did money fall out of your pocket? What exactly did you buy for cash to have finished like this? At a point in your deep thought, you scream, “Tinubu!!!!!” It finally hit you that T-pain is the architect of the new level of inflation unlocked in Nigeria. It is like an exclamation of disbelief, an involuntary outburst at the situation. You wonder, how did we get here? How did we let this happen?
Nigeria is indeed an exciting country to live in, and I mean that in every sense. Just like there is nothing new under the sun, Nigeria does not have new problems; the problems remain the same; they only differ in their degree of expression. We encounter no genuinely new problems; we see recurring issues of economic hardship, high cost of living, search for meaningful employment, bad governance, and insecurity, amongst other social vices. We only hope a new government will bring fresh air and comfort to our past sufferings.
However, it appears that T-pain’s administration has only come to take the economy from frypan to fire. The so-called “devaluation” of the Naira is an economic measure that sounds like a policy straight out of a textbook but feels like a cruel joke when you are trying to buy food. With the Naira now worth less against the dollar, Nigerians can no longer escape the harsh reality that our currency has rapidly lost value, making goods unaffordable. Simple pleasures like a tin of Titus Sardine — have now been priced so that the commoner would have to do some calculations before buying. Who could have thought that Titus Sardine would ever be sold for 1,500 Naira or a bag of pure water be sold for 400 naira? The rich and the poor can feel the heat of T-pain’s regime. The T-pain era is a bitter joke, and though we are desperate for relief from the economic storm, we have found solace in humour because what else is there to do when the price of bread is now higher than your weekly transportation budget? Welcome to the T-pain era.
Take the recent rise in petrol prices, for example. With fuel now touching 1000 Naira per litre, a price point that would have been laughable just a few years ago. I remember the era of Goodluck Jonathan in 2012 when the petrol price was increased from 65 Naira to 120 Naira, and we still grumbled about it. This T-pain era is just the era we did not expect! Nigerians face the reality of paying high amounts to fill their cars or waiting for the government to “fix the economy” while their livelihoods drain. Petrol hikes are now a national sport, a quarterly event that leaves Nigerians clutching their wallets in dismay, with the only visible reward being a more efficient fuel subsidy elimination. The irony? You cannot subsidize anything if people cannot afford to buy the fuel in the first place.
The national power grid has collapsed more times in recent months than anyone can count. Before now, it used to be “Nepa don carry light;” now it is “National Grid don collapse’. The power supply used to be epileptic, but it has finally collapsed. It has become a joke, except there is nothing funny about it. Nigerians are left in the dark, quite literally, as power cuts continue to wreak havoc on businesses, education, and daily life. Imagine landing an international remote job after job hunting for years, only to lose it in a few months because your government failed to provide a stable power supply for its citizens. At this point, the only thing more consistent than the national grid’s collapse is the government’s promises to fix the nation’s problems. Yet, each new collapse feels like a fresh reminder of how far we have fallen. In a country where stable power could fuel industrial growth, make homes livable, and improve productivity, the constant blackouts are a stark symbol of what is broken in Nigeria.
Despite the administration’s insistence that “temporary pain” will lead to long-term gains, most Nigerians struggle to see the light at the end of the tunnel. In the words of this generation: “E go better, when?” It has been months, if not years, of hearing that the reforms are “showing positive signs,” yet the only thing that is showing is the rising cost of living, the continued devaluation of the Naira, and an increasing sense of desperation.
Ultimately, the T-pain era seems to be a paradox of promises and pain. Nigerians are caught in a cycle of hope mixed with hardship, facing a barrage of economic struggles with no clear end. Though the administration promises that the pain is temporary and for the greater good, the reality on the streets tells a different story. From skyrocketing food prices to endless fuel hikes and power outages, it feels like each day brings new challenges that the average citizen must overcome.
To Mr. President, sitting in Aso Rock and reading a speech that sounds like “My fellow Nigerians, I am well aware of your frustration” instead of providing evident solutions only fuels the anger and frustration of the people because the reality on the streets contradicts the lofty promises broadcast from the government seat in Aso Rock.
Despite the excruciating living conditions, turning a blind eye to the suffering of the populace, and insisting that the reforms are necessary for an economic breakthrough that takes Nigeria from the Third World to the First, achieving this goal should not be at the expense of the livelihood of the people lest to create reform, you create a worse deform that will take more years of hardship to restore. While the reforms are being implemented, there should be cushioning effects that make the reforms bearable for the people. People can better believe in a working administration than one who preaches “Temporary Pain.” The question is, for how long can this pain be temporary? Until the end of the administration in 2027, when will we have another hard time deciding on the next Emilokan or a second term for the current Emilokan? The most tremendous pain of reform is discontinuity. If another administration takes over from T-pain, would the mission not be aborted for the start of a new one? If President Tinubu’s administration does not shift focus to implementing measures that truly cushion the hardship, Nigeria risks a cycle of economic suffering that could persist beyond his term. The most significant risk here lies in the potential for the next administration to abandon current reforms, further destabilizing Nigeria’s path to recovery and prolonging the “temporary pain” that we were told would ease.
Nigerians are known to be symbols of endurance who face every challenge with humour and as a coping mechanism, even if it means turning the president into a subject of humour. However, there are endurance limits, and we must not get to a point where our people start killing their children for survival. The people have reached a point where they must weigh their survival against any promises of future prosperity, and this irony has not gone unnoticed. I believe there is still time to change the unpleasant narrative. T-pain can indeed be the temporary pain that the president’s supporters interpret it to be. A sigh of relief, a breath of fresh air, and ease despite reform is possible. But if the president decides to stick to his guns, there is nothing more we can do than continually believe and hope for the emergence of the Nigeria we dream of.
Opinion
Cultivating Pluriversalistic Creativity And Scholarship Through A Curriculum In Falola Studies
Published
4 days agoon
November 10, 2024By Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
Compcros
Comparative Cognitive Processes and Systems
“Exploring Every Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge”
I envisage a curriculum of learning inspired by the work of polymathic scholar, writer, research organizer and scholarly entrepreneur Toyin Falola.
These curricula could be of two types.
One could explore the character of his activities in particular cognitive domains, the interrelationship of these activities and their conjunctions with and significance beyond the universe of activity generated by Falola’s work.
Another approach could be that of developing creativity by emulating Falola’s example. Such a learning strategy would aspire to cultivating creativity that is individualistic as well as collaborative, intellectual as well as imaginative and artistic, locally sensitive as well as multicultural and international in inspiration, grounded in the material world as well as maximizing the significance of cyberspace.
Such a pluriversality creativity would take inspiration from the individualistic character of Falola’s work-represented by his sole written books and sole written essays, book chapters and poetry.
It would adapt the collaborative character of Falola’s productivity, as demonstrated by his co-written books, co-written essays, edited books, editorship of journals, book series with various publishers, conferences, interviews, his establishing a publishing house/s/consortium, financing book publications, establishing prizes, and more perhaps.
The aspirant would work out how to employ for themselves their own version of the intellectual character of Falola’s creativity, as expressed in his scholarly writings elucidating, analysing, interpreting and applying phenomena, ideas and insights in various books, essays and public addresses.
This approach would develop for the individual the person’s own version of the imaginative dimension of Falola’s creativity, reworking material, social and mental realities in imaginative terms and projecting possibilities beyond the existent through such initiatives as new academic programs.
This method would cultivate a person’s artistic skill, creating novel structures of expression using expressive techniques centred in imagination and evocation rather than directness of expression and analytical power, as demonstrated by Falola’s poetry.
This learning strategy would explore how the student could learn from the insights possible through their environment, as well as contributing to shaping that environment, as evident in Falola’s studies of his African and diaspora African social, expressive and cognitive contexts and his efforts in contributing to shaping those contexts.
This perspective on creative growth would also seek to learn from a broad range of cultures and countries, bringing them into a synergy, perhaps focused on a central cultural inspiration, as is visible in Falola’s integration of Western and African thought and cultures in his scholarship, a scope recently extending into South America in studying perspectives on decolonization.
These initiatives in developing people’s creativity would draw from the material world of physical human sociation and the inspiration of nature, from physically embodied knowledge systems and the social networks and cognitive resources enabled by cyberspace, as exemplified by Falola’s use of both physical and digital learning resources, through his creation of collaborative networks in physical spaces such as universities in Africa and the West and the construction of an international research network using cyberspace.
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