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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

    To the acada, concepts like intelligence quotient and emotional intelligence are factors used to understand individuals’ stability and relatability at different extremes and psychological understanding. However, the streets of 9ja have developed some sociolinguistic terminologies to understand other levels of intelligence among the people. You might not have heard or understood what OT means if you are not from the street. You may simply be described as ajebo, those with an affluent background. But the street knows no class of the environment, and even the ajebo have gotten attracted to the word’s usage. I, myself, am not ajebo ; like many of the majority of Nigerians, I can confidently say that I am a true breed ajepako, and as such, there is a level of OT I am expected to reach to flow with the street, so as not to turn a victim of it.

    OT is the street’s abbreviation for orientation. We understand that without the right orientation for certain things, one may not be able to progress or relate well to particular subject matters. OT depicts the lesson the streets will teach you in Nigeria. You must agree that the ghetto and the places you will most likely find those without much influence in Nigerian society are more than a school. The street makes you unlearn, learn and relearn so that you will be street smart, and OT is indeed the right coefficient for street smartness. Although it simply means orientation, the concept of orientation in this context is wide. The orientation is survival instinct and perception that would allow you to thrive in a very suffocating environment.

    Nigerian society has created a wide gap between the rich and the poor, and the current state of things has shown how degenerating it could be in the next couple of years. So, if you are an ajebo, there is a likelihood that you will go to school and move quite above others. If you are ajepako, the likelihood is that you would not be educated, and if you are lucky to be, you must try to make do with the little educational resources and facilities that are below the barest minimum. Hence, you need OT to compete with the wealthy cadre as an uneducated fellow or not too educated. Make your living smartly, neatly, and quickly from the few immediate opportunities you see. No dulling.

    The facilities and amenities in the country are limited and widely available basically with people of influence. To get yours legally, you must be smart and have the right OT: you must be street smart. Street smartness is how to navigate societal norms, have an outstanding creative mindset, and throw everything at your disposal to convince people. So, when you as an Ajepako graduate strive for the same job as ajebo graduate that has most likely secured the job before the interview by the intervention of his or her parents or anyone the connection can reach, you must not just be book smart; you must be street smart by showing extraordinary, distinctive characteristics, that are not only convincing but would leave the interviewer with the mind-battle that not hiring you is forgoing a gem. The street called that OT packaging.

    In several of the public institutions in Nigeria, a considerable number are from the ajepako social division and, as such, would have to struggle to eat, let alone afford some of the charges in their institutions. So, when there is a party, something the street call owo epo, you see them with some of their native attires and come in like a noble guest. You would have even taken them to the VIP section without being careful. But both males and females will have the right big bags with them, or polythene backs perfectly put in their pockets. So, every food goes in there, and every plate that comes by must not just go by. You will hear, “food never reach this side oh.” That is probably after 3 plates of rice and 4 plates of amala have perished inside the almighty polythene bag. Do you want to hear? They will take as many drinks and water as possible. A sachet of water is now N20; you cannot blame the street. Sometimes, they would go in groups, take their table and establish themselves like an invited egbe, or groups. That is how they food-hunt every party to sustain them for the week. You have told them not to steal, but the street has taught them not to dull. Ja ra e.

    OT is the knowledge from the street, and the street as an institution allows you to make what you want out of it. Whether good or bad, it is still an OT. If you have not been a victim before, you would have heard the funny but unfortunate experience of some people that get scammed by individuals, especially in very busy places and environments. If you would go to Osodi, some places in Warri, Sango Ota in Ogun State, Dugbe in Ibadan, Onitsha Market, and other similarly highly populated areas, you probably would need to go with your 6th sense, your OT. Some funny experiences are those that would find their bags, carefully and ‘professionally’ slit with probably blade or scissors, with their things gone. Funny enough, you may not even know until you have reached your destination that your phones, money, and valuables have disappeared. In other cases, you would hear people stopping by Alaba Market, the famous computer village in Lagos, to buy a phone. They would have tested the phone, see it well packaged for them and sealed, only to get home to see balls of fufu in phone casing and cartons, well-sealed and packaged even. When you return there, you will never meet or see the seller; even if you see him or her, your OT must teach you enough not to approach.

    It takes OT to be protected from the dangerous manifestations of OT. You would know what to say and what not in the required situation. You would know that the street boys are watching your every move and, as such, no dulling. The street will tell you not to be over-excited about offers, that you should carry your bags where you can always see every part of them, that you should crosscheck your products, and that you should exhibit great care.

    Do not get me wrong; it would be wrong or misrepresentation to tell you that the operationality of OT is only in the street. It is emotional intelligence amplified—a little step beyond it and without all the academic conditions.  OT could be seen as the ability to cope with people, not overshare in discussions, and know what to say to draw out needed information from people. OT means innovative ideas that could be manipulated or adapted to peculiar situations. It is the sociological touch to intelligence, and as it is evident that the Nigerian society is one full of many smart but desperate individuals, it allows one to use those resources wisely. This then bolsters the importance of ensuring that educational institutions and other institutions directly involved in the developmental stage of every individual in the country impact the needed OT in people to give them the social skills to cope wherever they find themselves.

    Something that could scare one is the OT gotten to sharpen the ability to outsmart others when there are no sufficient resources. When there are limited resources, it is reasonable that everyone becomes desperate to make the most of the available ones or find alternatives where necessary. OT proves that Nigerians are one of the most resourceful populations globally and further shows that the nation is largely underutilizing its adaptability abilities. Over the years, the Nigerian government has failed to create needed platforms and resources whereby these talents would succeed; they have further ensured that people who try to use their OT to make attempts at legit creativity fail at them. Yahoo Yahoo, Fraud, stealing, armed robbery, land-grabbing, corruption, and other vices developed from long-time social interactions are manifestations of negative OTs from the street. Positive OT is what we want, and the nation has to ensure that negative OT does not affect social safety.

    As a student of the street, too, I have used my OT to make a name for myself and contributed to the epistemology of Africa. As for you, do you have the OT? If you do, what do you use it for?

. This piece was composed in Mahikeng, the capital of the Northwest Province in South Africa. I am grateful to my host, Professor Abiodun Salawu, who provided maximum comfort, transforming me from Ajepako to Ajebo!

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.

Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.

Thabo Mbeki

To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.

Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.

Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.

Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.

It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).

The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.

More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.

For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.

This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.

PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

 

 

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Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

 By Leo Igwe

As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.

I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.

I arrived in Singapore on August 29 after a 17-hour flight with a short transit in Doha, feeling tired, and overwhelmed but also excited. It was my first visit to Singapore, a country, that I have heard about so much. In less than 24 hours, it was obvious to me that it was a worthwhile trip. I was greatly pleased by what I saw, and how things worked. I was happy that Singapore had a humanist society that was robust enough to organize a General Assembly. Kudos to the organisers.
The second day I joined a tour that focused on harmony in diversity. We visited buildings, streets, and places that told stories of how Singapore had managed to maintain harmony despite its diverse racial, ethnic, and religious heritage. I was surprised to know that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion. Some friends from the region told us not to interpret the no-religion category the same way it is done in the West. Muslims who felt they were not fulfilling their religious obligations could identify as having no religion. Whatever the case, that no religion category offered some hope for freedom and humanity.
An attendee from Malaysia noted something interesting during the tour. He stated that, if by any chance a public presentation was made in Malaysia indicating that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion, some riot would break out. Thank goodness, it was in Singapore!
On the second day, there was a conference on secularism and interfaith harmony. Humanists, some ‘liberal’ Muslims, and other stakeholders in interfaith relations discussed the challenge of forging interfaith harmony in Singapore. It was encouraging to hear how some brave individuals were pushing boundaries and navigating risky religious terrain in the country that seemed committed to being a shining example of religious tolerance and interfaith harmony in the region. There is still a lot of work to be done in furtherance of freedom of religion or belief and in combating extreme religious ideas. I heard about the country’s religious rehabilitation project and was concerned. I wondered about its impact on religious and belief freedoms.
From all I witnessed at this event, there is hope for humanity in Singapore. The country could one day become a regional hub for humanism and freethought. There is a bright future for secularism in South Asia/Pacific. The international humanist movement should help local humanists realize this future. In a region where some countries regard atheists as terrorists, and people who renounce their religion, Islam in particular, risk being attacked, killed, or imprisoned, humanism could become a force for good, and Singapore a symbol of hope and progress.

 Igwe,PhD,  is a board member of Humanists International, UK.

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 10):  Politics And Its Dirty Deuces

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

One reason politics is often branded a dirty enterprise is its susceptibility to being wielded as a weapon of destruction. In every country, politics remains dangerous–both as an instrument of construction and destruction. When in alignment with powerful cliques or caucuses, it is often used to elevate individuals and catapult them to greater heights. This is because politicians can access tools to advance such intentions, which they deploy at their will. Anyone who has attained some level of progress or growth can be said to have benefited from the good side of politics. Even if politics is not directly responsible for their success, they must have escaped its destructive hands,

However, when those who wield political power decide to do so, they may become harsh to their targets and exploit their victim’s vulnerability until it brings about their downfall. Thus, it can be inferred that those who have experienced the challenges of life irreparably may have been victims of political forces who wanted them dealt with. This does not imply that all personal problems result from political forces. Still, it does suggest that the inability to overcome such challenges may often be attributable to it. Follow me.

Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki.

The South African experience is telling of the above dynamics. Independence was begrudged to the country by those who had not only earlier imagined that they would hold political power for a very long time but had also consolidated their conception of South Africans as shadows of themselves through the oppressive character of their political system. However, through the bold resistance led by the country’s liberator and other dedicated South Africans, their independence became inevitable–and very fast at that.

Although the domination of colonies by the imperialists was purely for exploitation, it was also inspired by the assumption that the colonized were sub-humans and inferior to them. This contemptuous belief permeated all aspects of their existence, so much so that even the colonized began to internalize these misconceptions at some point. However, once South Africans became strong enough to challenge the foundations of apartheid and colonialism, upholders of that exploitative system responded with attempts to tear down the anti-colonialism efforts. They sought to destroy the integrity of the frontiers of independence advocacy by investing in slander and character assassination campaigns against them.

The first missile in the arsenal of European imperialists, who had long held political power in Africa, was to tarnish the reputation and character of the newly elected Black leaders. They aimed to downplay the importance of self-rule or amplify the unfounded assumption that Black people were not intelligent enough to govern themselves. This became the most potent instrument with which they could destabilize the country and justify the various instances of oppression that they had institutionalized for centuries.

On the assumption of office by the Black leaders, led by Nelson Mandela, the first series of allegations was corruption and abuse of power. The imperialists believed that if they amplified the accusations of misappropriation against these leaders, they could erode their credibility and create enough instability to derail their leadership. This strategy was intended to distract the Black leaders and drag them into a political quagmire. Remarkably, Mandela did not give this distraction the anticipated attention because he understood the underlying politics that produced the hate. He knew the allegations were made maliciously to castrate their political and leadership power and render them useless in the general scheme of things. However, it became crucial for these leaders to clear the air and dismantle the negative perceptions deliberately created as a trap.

Whether truthful or not, it became evident that the masterminds behind these unfounded allegations were mindless about the veracity of their claims. Their goal was to continue with specific authority such that anyone who listened to their claims would be whitewashed to see things from their prejudiced perspective. This explains why the accusers continue to brandish the media to change the narrative about the incorruptibility of emerging African leaders.

Thabo Mbeki recounts how they faced baseless accusations, such as money laundering from buying specific necessities for the country. These claims were unfounded but also malicious and dangerous, lacking any evidence to back them up. Mbeki intones that despite correcting these dangerous narratives, they were not given the necessary attention as the accusers kept running to the media to lend credibility to their allegations.

However, Mbeki and his leadership team did not allow this to sway them, fully aware of their responsibilities and the intent behind these attacks. They discovered that the erstwhile political overlords intended to destroy the integrity of the new African leaders, sowing doubt among the people so that they could reconsider having white leaders remain in critical positions. Where possible, the imperialists wanted to retain their dominance and continue to exploit the people who had long suffered under colonial rule.

Meanwhile, an investigative body established to conduct independent findings found no evidence to substantiate the allegations and could not come up with anything to indict the leaders. Mbeki mentions that the dirty politics of deliberately trashing the reputation of the emerging Black African leaders was designed to achieve different objectives. For one, the former rulers feared that the new government would confront and expose the destructive legacies initiated by the earlier white leaders during apartheid. Fearing accountability for their past wrongdoings, they resorted to aggressively spreading fake information to mischaracterize the African leaders in the new world.

The reconfiguration of human society into a default setting, especially after enduring rounds of brutal, exclusionary leadership, was ultimately tricky and complex for people to understand. It requires immense sacrifice and the willingness to endure character assassination and negative portrayals. The emerging Black leaders in South Africa recognized this potential and accepted the responsibility of being the first African leaders in a postcolonial context. Their commitment to bring about change was rooted in the understanding that unless people stood up to the colonial imperialists–who were relentlessly focused on exploiting both the people and resources–there was a high possibility that the oppressive leadership style of the former white rulers would continue.

Mbeki believes that the redemption of their name lies in the hands of the masses, who have been tremendously helpful during their journey to South Africa’s future. He is convinced that people understand and identify with their struggles. While the campaign of calumny may be spread by the people for provincial objectives, the foundation of their society must be built on truth. Unwavering truthfulness protects their integrity in the eyes of the people.

Honesty is the key to winning the hearts of the masses who have faced detrimental challenges in deciding who truly represents their interests. Mbeki understands that the masses have faced a flood of misinformation about them, especially the baseless accusations of misappropriating public funds. However, he trusts in the people’s ability to see through the tactics of the oppressors who have long endangered them through exploitation. Despite how fast contemptuous information spread, they needed to continue the path of their actions to restore the glory of the country that had been severely bastardized. Black leaders in South Africa have faced numerous challenges, but none as damaging as the displaced and recurring accusations of misappropriating public funds.

 PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

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