Opinion
Nigeria And The Multiplication Of Chaos
Published
2 years agoon
By
Toyin Falola
Though the common assertion that “we live in unprecedented times” may be ambiguous, it has come to have a definite meaning for Nigerians in recent times. And no, the statement is not synonymous with the attainment of some scientific breakthrough or any positive achievement; rather it has come to be associated with a period of unprecedented chaos, pain and uncertainty in the nation. With us, in the last decade or so, everyday seems to be like a step further down into chaos. Public universities are closed with no real commitment from the government to have them open again anytime soon. Elections are coming! The lights are on today and who knows what tomorrow may bring. It could be long queues at the filling stations, or another one hundred naira on the dollar. But maybe we shouldn’t care much about the inflation, the rising cost of everything, especially if we can go about our day, minding our businesses without fear of being whisked away by unknown gunmen or even known ones in black uniforms for frivolous charges. Did anyone say twenty naira?
It is far from funny, this life we live as Nigerians. About forty-eight hours ago, on 28/3/2022, our day was ruined by some terrible news from Kaduna, and no, not the attempt by unknown gunmen on the plane bound for Lagos. That was about a week ago—old news, considering Nigeria’s standards. I am referring to the train attack, which according to the BBC, claimed the lives of no less than seven people, with twenty-two more injured and an unknown number kidnapped. Yes, an unknown number. Because, apparently the train-station cannot produce a passenger manifest, if you can believe it! If the attackers were unknown and the victims cannot be identified, then what do we know? You might wonder.
Well, it is common knowledge that the Abuja-Kaduna Road has been an active theatre of kidnapping and banditry for a number of years now, the reason a lot of passengers—including some elements of the high and mighty—have opted to use the train as a safer option. This transfer of traffic to the train route was sure to attract the attention of the nefarious elements involved in this dastardly act of kidnap for ransom and murder. The passengers knew this and so did the government, at least that was what most people thought, especially after two other relatively unsuccessful attempts. So, why were no pre-emptive measures taken, even after the current lacklustre, “rubber-stamp”senate had allegedly called on the federal government to beef up security along that axis?
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Before we go about cracking our heads trying to understand why the current leadership of Nigeria is so careless—to put it nicely—about its duties, let’s carry out some deductions from what we’ve observed so far about its handling of terrorists. To those who might not be aware, the Nigerian government is one of the first anywhere to release terrorists back into society—in the midst of an active terrorism crisis—with claims that the criminals have repented and been rehabilitated! Well, as citizens, who are we to doubt our government when it says it has rehabilitated terrorists, when, under its watch, the national petroleum management body (NNPC) sold adulterated fuel to Nigerians! After all, where were you when a sitting governor, somewhere in the north, climbed a podium to take smiling photos with leaders of bandit groups with whom he alleged his government had reached an agreement, only for him to turn around about a year or more later to publicly lament his decision to trust them. Certainly, you heard of the one in Kaduna who said he paid terrorists an undisclosed sum to desist from attacking the people of southern Kaduna. Does it not make you wonder then, why a government that can be so reasonable with the handling of murdering bandits be so violent with youths protesting the injustices of the police? If these issues do not quiz you, then you won’t be surprised either with the fact that security agents were not stationed at intervals along the train route to deter attacks, or carry out reconnaissance so as to be able to warn of impending attacks and save lives.
No doubt, the frequency of these attacks threatens to numb the public to the pain of their victims–fellow citizens. Many do their best to put it out of their minds and go about their day as normally as they can, even if it is there on the news, every day, in constant rotation. What can we do? This is the unspoken question, especially if those who tried to call attention to police brutality were shot down by the army while the government was more interested in proving there were no casualties than it was in finding out who gave the order to fire live ammunition on unarmed protesters expressing a civil right. Have the people simply lost their will to fight for Nigeria, or has it been beaten out of them by poverty, hunger, and systemic violence? One thing remains sacrosanct: the government must be held to account, especially where it is clearly failing to live up to its duties, which includes securing the lives and property of citizens.
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Now if the courts and the national assembly cannot deliver their mandate to provide equity and accountability, then the citizens’ only recourse are the polls. General elections are around the corner. And, as it is the tradition every four years, Nigerians will once again choose from a list of candidates to build on the legacy—more like fix the problems —left behind by the exiting leadership. But as we all know, a forty-million-naira ticket for a chance to serve your country will not fetch you the best intentions. So, citizens are convinced that the choice is in finding the lesser evil. But in the course of selecting this “lesser evil,” they also have to navigate through a tendency that has always stood in the way of Nigeria and the hope of a competent leader, and that is the tendency for people to vote their region, religion, or ethnicity. And if, by chance, the consensus “lesser evil” emerges from the ethnicity or religion with the highest voting power, there is still the question of the umpire colluding with the incumbent or the highest bidder to influence election outcomes. So where do citizens turn for competent leadership, even as they face a daily threat of being the victims of kidnaping, banditry, or insurgency after surviving inflation, scarcity, and hunger?
Where do Nigerians find succour? Maybe we have not prayed enough, or God has simply decided to ignore us for our hypocrisy of praying and having faith without working to support it. Maybe it is a thing of luck and we have just been unlucky, and our luck might soon turn for the better. But just before we make our appeal at the altar of luck, we must find out how many well-off nations built their foundations on such rationale. We look to China—not the usual suspect America celebrated as the ideal success story—which is, in some ways, similar to Nigeria. As a nation—with an “intimidating” population such as Nigeria’s—China, in less than a century, has been able to turn its fortunes around to a position where it is the biggest lender to Africa. Yes, it might not be as culturally diverse as Nigeria and share in all the challenges that come with that, or have a history of slavery and colonialism like ours. But the Chinese are not also known to shut the doors of their nation’s educational institutions for months on end, or have known looters of state treasury occupy public office in perpetuity, only changing titles intermittently to avoid infighting. Rather, they developed a vision, not just to become regional or continental giants, but also to stake their claim at the world table. And to achieve this, they invested in their population by equipping them with the scientific and technical knowledge to compete and excel at any level. Today, China has come a long way away from its title as the “sick man of Asia”.
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As we commiserate with the families of the victims of this dastardly attack and pray for the quick recovery of the injured and freedom for the kidnapped, we must also call out this government for failing to prevent what was an avoidable event. It is our duty as Nigerians to ensure that such occurrences become a thing of the past by speaking up after such attacks and finding a way to ensure that only the best of us end up in the pilot seat to steer this great nation to a destination of peace and progress. Until then, these deaths remain a stain on our collective humanity, especially if we do not contribute our individual quotas in a united effort to redeem Nigeria from the precipice of anarchy. We must halt this development of chaos immediately or lose our home forever!
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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Opinion
The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics
Published
15 hours agoon
September 10, 2024By Toyin Falola
The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.
Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.
Thabo Mbeki
To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.
Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.
Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.
Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.
It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).
The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.
More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.
For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.
This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.
PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.
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Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore
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September 8, 2024By Leo Igwe
As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.
I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.
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Opinion
The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 10): Politics And Its Dirty Deuces
Published
2 days agoon
September 8, 2024By Toyin Falola
One reason politics is often branded a dirty enterprise is its susceptibility to being wielded as a weapon of destruction. In every country, politics remains dangerous–both as an instrument of construction and destruction. When in alignment with powerful cliques or caucuses, it is often used to elevate individuals and catapult them to greater heights. This is because politicians can access tools to advance such intentions, which they deploy at their will. Anyone who has attained some level of progress or growth can be said to have benefited from the good side of politics. Even if politics is not directly responsible for their success, they must have escaped its destructive hands,
However, when those who wield political power decide to do so, they may become harsh to their targets and exploit their victim’s vulnerability until it brings about their downfall. Thus, it can be inferred that those who have experienced the challenges of life irreparably may have been victims of political forces who wanted them dealt with. This does not imply that all personal problems result from political forces. Still, it does suggest that the inability to overcome such challenges may often be attributable to it. Follow me.
Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki.
The South African experience is telling of the above dynamics. Independence was begrudged to the country by those who had not only earlier imagined that they would hold political power for a very long time but had also consolidated their conception of South Africans as shadows of themselves through the oppressive character of their political system. However, through the bold resistance led by the country’s liberator and other dedicated South Africans, their independence became inevitable–and very fast at that.
Although the domination of colonies by the imperialists was purely for exploitation, it was also inspired by the assumption that the colonized were sub-humans and inferior to them. This contemptuous belief permeated all aspects of their existence, so much so that even the colonized began to internalize these misconceptions at some point. However, once South Africans became strong enough to challenge the foundations of apartheid and colonialism, upholders of that exploitative system responded with attempts to tear down the anti-colonialism efforts. They sought to destroy the integrity of the frontiers of independence advocacy by investing in slander and character assassination campaigns against them.
The first missile in the arsenal of European imperialists, who had long held political power in Africa, was to tarnish the reputation and character of the newly elected Black leaders. They aimed to downplay the importance of self-rule or amplify the unfounded assumption that Black people were not intelligent enough to govern themselves. This became the most potent instrument with which they could destabilize the country and justify the various instances of oppression that they had institutionalized for centuries.
On the assumption of office by the Black leaders, led by Nelson Mandela, the first series of allegations was corruption and abuse of power. The imperialists believed that if they amplified the accusations of misappropriation against these leaders, they could erode their credibility and create enough instability to derail their leadership. This strategy was intended to distract the Black leaders and drag them into a political quagmire. Remarkably, Mandela did not give this distraction the anticipated attention because he understood the underlying politics that produced the hate. He knew the allegations were made maliciously to castrate their political and leadership power and render them useless in the general scheme of things. However, it became crucial for these leaders to clear the air and dismantle the negative perceptions deliberately created as a trap.
Whether truthful or not, it became evident that the masterminds behind these unfounded allegations were mindless about the veracity of their claims. Their goal was to continue with specific authority such that anyone who listened to their claims would be whitewashed to see things from their prejudiced perspective. This explains why the accusers continue to brandish the media to change the narrative about the incorruptibility of emerging African leaders.
Thabo Mbeki recounts how they faced baseless accusations, such as money laundering from buying specific necessities for the country. These claims were unfounded but also malicious and dangerous, lacking any evidence to back them up. Mbeki intones that despite correcting these dangerous narratives, they were not given the necessary attention as the accusers kept running to the media to lend credibility to their allegations.
However, Mbeki and his leadership team did not allow this to sway them, fully aware of their responsibilities and the intent behind these attacks. They discovered that the erstwhile political overlords intended to destroy the integrity of the new African leaders, sowing doubt among the people so that they could reconsider having white leaders remain in critical positions. Where possible, the imperialists wanted to retain their dominance and continue to exploit the people who had long suffered under colonial rule.
Meanwhile, an investigative body established to conduct independent findings found no evidence to substantiate the allegations and could not come up with anything to indict the leaders. Mbeki mentions that the dirty politics of deliberately trashing the reputation of the emerging Black African leaders was designed to achieve different objectives. For one, the former rulers feared that the new government would confront and expose the destructive legacies initiated by the earlier white leaders during apartheid. Fearing accountability for their past wrongdoings, they resorted to aggressively spreading fake information to mischaracterize the African leaders in the new world.
The reconfiguration of human society into a default setting, especially after enduring rounds of brutal, exclusionary leadership, was ultimately tricky and complex for people to understand. It requires immense sacrifice and the willingness to endure character assassination and negative portrayals. The emerging Black leaders in South Africa recognized this potential and accepted the responsibility of being the first African leaders in a postcolonial context. Their commitment to bring about change was rooted in the understanding that unless people stood up to the colonial imperialists–who were relentlessly focused on exploiting both the people and resources–there was a high possibility that the oppressive leadership style of the former white rulers would continue.
Mbeki believes that the redemption of their name lies in the hands of the masses, who have been tremendously helpful during their journey to South Africa’s future. He is convinced that people understand and identify with their struggles. While the campaign of calumny may be spread by the people for provincial objectives, the foundation of their society must be built on truth. Unwavering truthfulness protects their integrity in the eyes of the people.
Honesty is the key to winning the hearts of the masses who have faced detrimental challenges in deciding who truly represents their interests. Mbeki understands that the masses have faced a flood of misinformation about them, especially the baseless accusations of misappropriating public funds. However, he trusts in the people’s ability to see through the tactics of the oppressors who have long endangered them through exploitation. Despite how fast contemptuous information spread, they needed to continue the path of their actions to restore the glory of the country that had been severely bastardized. Black leaders in South Africa have faced numerous challenges, but none as damaging as the displaced and recurring accusations of misappropriating public funds.
PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.
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