By Toyin Falola

The theme of the Nigerian Independence Day protests was intriguing. The tag “fearless in October” captures the imagination and evokes thoughts about what must have been running through its creators’ minds. I think that its selection was careful and well-timed. October reminds us of that period in 2020 when young Nigerians took to the streets in large numbers to protest the mindless cruelty of the Special Anti-robbery Squad (SARS) and the grating economic policies of President Muhammadu Buhari, the Chief Executive that commanded it. Those events ended in bloodshed and tears for countless participants, many of whom still seek justice today. The protests created a template for the #EndBadGovernance movement in August, which, although limited in popularity, was targeted at redressing the continuity of the worsening challenges Nigerians continue to face. Different administrations, same issues.

Unfortunately, telling Nigeria’s stories invariably requires rehashing the same themes, one of which is the role of economic factors in the contrivance of worsening poverty levels. Data reveals that over 50% of the Nigerian population is multidimensionally poor, indicating multiple layers of shortcomings in resource access. From social amenities to the availability of respectable incomes, Nigerians scarcely remain untroubled without threats at any period. Even worse, currency devaluation and formidable inflationary pressures over the past year have brought many to their knees. Nevertheless, the country’s problems are quite traceable. One of the primary contributors is the country’s dependence on oil. Despite being a major oil exporter, Nigeria suffers from the “resource curse,” where reliance on a single commodity leads to economic instability and inequality.
Fluctuations in global oil prices, corruption within the oil sector, and the Dutch disease effect – where currency appreciation discourages growth in other sectors of the economy – have all contributed to poverty. Nigeria’s economy has perennially shuffled to the rhythm of the international oil market, plunging whenever there is a downturn and feeding fat on glutes – at least until it could hardly produce enough to fill market demands when prices soared.

History is replete with evidence, including the 1970s and following decades when the country felt it could spoil itself forever on the foreign exchange from oil to the detriment of other sectors. This shortsightedness led to costly consequences, such as austerity measures and structural adjustment programmes in subsequent decades.
The natural expectation is that follow-up measures would seek to revamp Nigeria’s overdependence on crude oil. However, this would hardly be so, as the final years of the Jonathan administration revealed. Owing to demand-side factors in crude sales, oil prices dropped by as much as 70%, triggering a prolonged recession in the country. The response from the newly minted Buhari government at the time was an absolute failure in terms of competence and accountability. For years, Buhari and his team repeatedly blamed the previous administration, insisting that the situation was too dire to be fixed so quickly. In all these, what the ex-general’s handlers refused to admit was that the president was patently clueless about economic matters. As he continued to play the blame game, Nigerians groaned under its heavy consequences. Workers were owed salaries for months, the desperate preservation of the naira stifled investment inflows, and the nation’s best minds increasingly realised that there were few opportunities for their capacious potential to thrive in their home country. Ridiculously, state officials sometimes went on live TV to dispute suggestions that Nigerians were suffering. They made shoddy efforts to paint Buhari as incorruptible, fair, and attentive to the needs of the average Nigerian. Yet, under his watch, wave after wave of killings engulfed numerous parts of the country as killer herdsmen ran amok. Farms were abandoned in preference for safety, while the president stoically refused to acknowledge the murders and, worse still, take meaningful action against those undermining the state. These challenges soon enlarged into regional insecurity and displacement, like the insurgency in the Northeast that was already plaguing the country when the president assumed office. In its wake came further difficulty in tackling a looming crisis in food supply, as farmers could not access their lands. Buhari’s tenure will be remembered for classic state-level gaslighting and unfulfilled promises. In the minds of young people, the #EndSARS killings will take centre stage. Sharing the platform will be bogus ventures like the Nigerian airline (Nigeria Air) that never took flight, the unachieved conquest of terrorism in the Northeast within the promised three months, as well as the unfulfilled promise to repair state-run refineries, to name just a few.

Now, the entitled leadership brand of the Bola Tinubu administration takes the stage. One finds here the controversial fuel subsidy removal–a policy that, at best, was overly eager and, at worst, the quickest path to economic decline for millions of Nigerian households. Uniquely, resolving the multifaceted challenges of the Nigerian polity takes more than the deployment of a wishful magic wand or a smattering of policy fixes. It requires layered approaches, without which the ever-relentless devil remains in the detail. In Yoruba, Nigeria’s situation is aptly described as egbirin ote – a complex web of problems that keeps evolving, rearing its head in new places the instant one is decapitated. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company is a prime example of this. For anyone who has ever bothered to inquire, there is a standard stream of plausible yet avoidable excuses its officials leverage to deflect criticism over recurring fuel supply shortages.

During the rainy season, flooding is used as a convenient excuse; at other times, it is some convoluted twist in the web of industry relationships. The same applies to the refineries, where failures in meeting production deadlines have totalled seven since work commenced. On a broader scale, the removal of duties on certain imported food items has run into bureaucratic gridlocks despite being theoretically set to take effect on July 15, 2024.

In the private sector, foreign exchange issues preclude the utilisation of existing capacities, driving inflationary pressures down citizens’ throats. In other words, being Nigerian often means having little to no expectations.

If the government makes a promise today, your street wisdom – honed through years of failed promises and unmet potential -– should compel you to doubt them. You must not concede control of your life to the band of aloof politicians in the State House. Instead, take charge, hustle, and become the author and finisher of your fate in a country that threatens to strip even the concept of free will from you. That is the price of Nigerianness. It reflects the hallowed principle of the impossibility of building something out of nothing.

In specific terms, Nigeria’s infrastructure is underdeveloped, hindering economic growth and development. Poor roads, inadequate electricity supply, and limited access to transportation networks increase the cost of doing business and limit opportunities for economic activity. Expectedly, this situation affects productivity, job creation, and the overall economic well-being of the citizenry. Clear pictures of this emerge in discussions with individuals whose entrepreneurial mindsets led them to start businesses. Their stories are laden with themes of survival and prevalence despite the Nigerian factor. So, while one may consider digitisation as a solution to these issues, poor roads, corrupt state officials, and unreliable electricity remain significant obstacles.

Looking beyond this, when comparing the struggles of the average person with those of the privileged class, one finds a disturbing norm – even when policies are enacted to mitigate crises, the less privileged rarely benefit from them. This high level of inequality is reflected in the enormous pay packets received by people in offices like the legislature. With salaries that easily rival those of lawmakers anywhere else in the world, Nigerian leadership is a hotbed of insensitivity and a lack of patriotism.
In contrast to the prolonged debates over a new national minimum wage, the government seems to be actively prepared to enrich the purses of its acolytes rather than minimise the suffering of the masses. Instances of corruption and nepotism do not make this reality any easier to absorb. A scan of the list of Tinubu’s ministers will reveal that many are former governors with little to no relevant expertise in their current portfolios. More specifically, the selection of this crop of often incompetent individuals was largely determined by party loyalty and their impact on the incumbent’s election, with Nyesom Wike, the former governor of Rivers State, serving as a compelling example.

Worse still, it is difficult to tell whether there is any true appreciation for administrative discipline in overseeing ministers. A case in point is President Tinubu’s ambivalent stance on Betta Edu, whose office of humanitarian affairs was embroiled in scandal. To this day, it remains uncertain whether the axe has fallen on her or if the president’s reaction was merely a public relations stunt.

Since news first emerged about the likelihood of changes to serving ministers many months ago, there has been nothing but foot-dragging, suggesting to observers that a robust scheme of backroom negotiations is underway. While the administration prioritises satisfying its cronies and political allies, the situation at the grassroots continues to worsen. The wealth gap remains vast, with a small elite controlling a disproportionate share of resources, showing no sign of being evened by the government. Initially, there was a plan to requisition low-income earners with 8,000 naira; next came a scarcely realised project to distribute tons of rice. Both initiatives have become subjects of humour due to the shortsightedness and condescension underlining them.

In an economy where fuel prices have risen to historical heights, and the currency lies comatose, the reasoning that 8,000 naira could alleviate financial woes is utterly misguided and arrogant. The attempt to cushion the downsides of food inflation through rice distribution is also severely flawed, implementation-wise, as states have reported inconsistent delivery data. Given these trends, it is no surprise that the poor face increasing difficulties in accessing essential needs like education, healthcare, and other services, trapping them in a cycle of poverty. Notably, this is against a backdrop of rapid population growth, putting a strain on resources and exacerbating poverty. The increasing number of people competing for limited jobs, land, and social services has led to a higher unemployment rate, as the National Bureau of Statistics admitted under its new model, exacerbating poverty altogether.

While discussing these varying strands of economic and political challenges, it is also important to reflect on the quality of citizenship and democratic participation. Notably, the 2023 elections recorded the lowest turnout in Nigeria’s history, with just 26.72% of the voter population casting their votes at polling units. One analysis stated that this implies that for every ten eligible voters, only two showed up to vote. As a result, only a small fraction of the Nigerian electorate decided the ongoing trajectory of the country’s leadership. The widespread apathy displayed by millions of voters on election day symbolises a range of multiple issues. It is misguided to address this apathy without considering the nuances that drive it, such as fears of violent attacks at polling units, electoral fraud, and intimidation – all potent reasons to shun voting.

However, I strongly contend that Nigerians have developed a razor-edged disinterest in the affairs of their own country. If voter turnout is a qualified method for determining this, one could look at activism. Protests, such as the 2020 marches against poor governance, struggled with popularity depending on location. In certain areas, participation in the movements was forbidden for religious reasons. The #EndBadGovernance protests had even worse outings. The proposed ten-day marches were blunted by low turnouts at protest grounds, which deteriorated as the days passed, eventually forcing things to peter out before they reached an apex. The circumstances behind the underwhelming levels of participation can be surmised into one simple word: self-preservation.

For the average Nigerian, it is enough to merely exist and get by. If that happens, prayers and daily lamentations are the closest to dissent we will ever get. This is why it is nearly impossible to forge a united front on common problems. I do not intend to disregard the haunting issues of property loss and disorderliness that often pervade protest movements, but it takes only a shy measure of reasoning to realise that self-preservation or not, the collective challenges spurring these movements will persist in affecting us all. It also appears that there are gulfs between generations of Nigerians regarding approaches to democratic participation.Among young adults, particularly Generation Z and millennials, their slightly older siblings, there is a more aggressive and participatory attitude to political involvement. Theirs is a generation heavy on demanding accountability, probably influenced by exposure to better narratives from social media.

Contrastingly, a palpable sense of resignation exists among the older individuals. Perhaps this quality comes with age and experience of seeing the same issues play out repeatedly, but the appetite to challenge the leadership cadre is quite low. This laid-back tendency, I believe, contributed to the narrative that the #EndSARS protests were primarily led by hoodlums and “Yahoo boys.”

Aside from this, it is also arguable that members of the older generation have a much less receptive attitude to risk-taking than their younger counterparts. Police brutality, indiscriminate arrests, bullying, and threats to life and property are common consequences of opposing those in power. The fear of this, combined with longtime familiarity with the scarcity of justice, creates a clear recipe for self-preservation. It does not help matters that these instincts are further amplified by ethno-religious sentiments, with many perceiving certain movements as efforts to upend their political status. Despite the problems being similar across the North, East, and South, it is of no consequence as it is far too easy for detractors to stir feelings of loyalty to creed and community among ordinary people. It is equally easy to leverage these biases in creating ill-informed individuals typically framed as counter-protesters, as seen during the #EndBadGovernance movement. Sadly, this comes at a steep cost for political participation. It implies that it will be difficult to catalyse change now and soon, even as the disconnect with the government persists.

At this point, you might ask me what I think the solution could be; after all, it is not enough to pinpoint issues without identifying ways of resolving them. I believe that the country’s problems do not require a diviner to address. Nigerians are as aware of the needed solutions as they are of the challenges giving rise to them. It takes only a walk past newspaper stands or listening to random group conversations to know this. The drawback, however, is the lack of action, alternatively known as political will when describing the administrative class. A society lacking the willingness to confront its problems head-on, with the self-honesty and determination such challenges demand, will struggle to thrive, regardless of the creative range of solution-focused proposals available.

But we cannot live without hope. It is what keeps our spirits alive in the face of daunting adversity. So, I would say “hopefully” because that is the most productive thought; we will awaken collectively for transformational change–in time to save our dear nation.

By Tony Afejuku

Let me begin straightaway by stating thus: our current political rulers’ wrong attitude towards Nigerians, and especially towards those who are truly poor – and who constitute the huge percentage of the hapless masses – is leading to the consequence of an inevitable doom. And this inevitable doom, once it descends, will spare no one. The political rulers and their mechanized, fake, commercialized, empty, politicalized, urbanized vain life will not definitely be spared contrary to their exploitative expectations. What I am saying is or may not be new. In fact, some persons may say, as their accusation of me may allow them, that what I am saying is common place, personal, and derives from my sentimental and private creative and journalistic imagination. But I will appropriately reply them as follows: They are entitled to their impression, but without yielding to any attempt from their end to sentimentalize, as they are wont to do, theirs and their bosses’ exploitation of the Nigerian earth for commercial and economic profit. This is the Nigerian drug or part of the Nigerian drug that they regard as progress; and that we have been accustomed to regard and accept it as always integral to our plane and existence.

Let me be plainly plain. In the past one week and more I was in Warri, my dear distinguished city of modern modernity some individuals want to dismantle but cannot. I was there for five days of leisure that was really no leisure. Let me help you to revise your notions of leisure. I was in Warri for work, the kind of work that enabled me to have more education on the way of my people, community and broad family. Through that I was admitted into the knowledge of how my education, my high education, that is, was/is still going to demand or require a great deal of drudgery. This drudgery which was no leisure was an aid to the further acquisition of wisdom for me in my further enterprises and undertakings on this earth plane where Nigeria is my country of residentship.

Now on the day I left – or was leaving – Warri I had an ailment which came from an infection from I knew not where – although I suspected/suspect that it came from the ugly atmosphere that ill-governance has condoned and cannot immediately disable. This is not a fallacious fallacy. And public health physicians will not disagree with me.
I tried to self-treat the ailment – meaning that I self-prescribed the drug that I took. My un-diluted and un-adulterated assumption was that the ailment was so little that it would evaporate from me in no long time. My self-medication bolstered my precious conviction and motive to be my own physician. How wrong I was! How wiser I have been now!

I did not make the progress I assumed that I would make. The drug I bought on self-medication, or, self-recommendation, better, on self-prescription, disappointed me. I bought the drug at a middle-brow pharmacy at a high price even though I am not free from financial anxiety, despite my social status, on account of the current central governing regime. Under normal circumstance the drug which should not have been above two hundred naira (but which I got for five thousand naira – even though un-branded), did not give me back my good health. Should I blame my good self or the central government that has killed (and keeps on killing) our naira in order for the American dollar to thrive and to keep on thriving at our naira’s expense? Let me not detain you with an answer. I remembered Marcus Aurelius (Roman emperor from 161 to 180, born 26 April 121 and died 17 March 180): “Death stands at your elbow.” The emperor, and Stoic philosopher and author of Meditations spoke to me in the quiet of my anxious concern for my health. The drug did not seem to halt the deterioration of the something going wrong in me. I called my doctor, my very worthy physician, in Lagos. I conveyed my thoughts and how exactly I was feeling. The prescription found me in no distant time via a text message. I should take the prescribed drug for one week – one caplet in the morning and one in the evening. If the drug did not equip me well enough to fill my health contentedly, I should go straight to my physician and care-tenderer in the city I was communicating with Lagos from. Alternatively, I should Air-Peace myself to Lagos without delay. (Why not a direct flight to Paris or London? I chuckled quietly to no one in particular).

As I am writing this I am still on the recommended drug. My main motive of reporting this experience profusely here is this: in the relatively middle-brow pharmacy where I went to purchase the medicine, an un-branded one as I was advised to buy to beat down drastically the cost, I encountered a number of persons who could not buy any of the drugs they went to buy. As a matter of fact, my own un-branded one which I expected to be cheaply cheap enough for me squeezed twenty-five thousand naira from my shallow pocket. What was/is the ailment I purchased the drug for? Let me not be vague about it any longer. Let me pluck you down from the realm of suspense I have kept you in for this long. My ailment was/is an ear infection. If I am disturbed as I have been, you can imagine what the large majority of Nigerian very poor fellows and indigent chaps, very ordinary folks, are passing through and enduring. I remember Etel Adna, Lebanese-American poet (24 February 1925 to 14 November 1921): “In the wheat stalks there are insects vaccinated against bread.”

Whatever our diverse thoughts and opinions, health in Nigeria your country my country our country is a subject which cannot be discussed in a void – as TS Eliot, the highly influential American-British 20th century poet, critic and essayist would say. Whatever questions we raise, will raise other questions, “social, economic, financial, political.” Our bearings must be on more fervent problems even than these: to know or have a picture of what we want in our health system we ought to know or should and must know what we cherish generally speaking, we must derive appropriately our theory, technology and practice of medicine and health in general from our philosophy . Unfortunately, in this country of the current time our philosophy of life centres on corruption of the highest degree. This is the Nigerian drug that runs, controls and ruins our life. Will somebody prove me wrong and call me a liar?

In Sunday Vanguard of
October 6, 2024, on pages 7 and 8, there was a special report on the state of health in your country my country our country. I am echoing loud and clear the wish and prayer of Chioma Obinna, the author of the detailed report: “Pray you don’t fall ill as costs of drugs, healthcare surge.”

Corruption is the tragic drug killing our healthcare; corruption is the tragically devastating thing emasculating our health in a manner that has been un-usually un-usual. When will China descend here? But why should I really care? Let’s go to Marcus Aurelius again: “Do what you will. Even if you tear yourself apart, most people will continue doing the same things.” But we must not yield to the destroyers of our system.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

By Toyin Falola

As I reminisce with every sense of humility and gratitude for the blessings of acquaintance with a remarkable individual who celebrates a significant milestone in life as he turns 60 on October 24, 2024, I am reminded not only of the years he has lived but of the incredible legacy that embodies his existence as a man of purpose and influence within the academic field where we share similarities, and humanity at large.

Undoubtedly, the celebrant has made his name in Nigerian academia and beyond. Prof. Yagboyaju is a distinguished professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Ibadan. He dedicated his life to expanding the frontiers of knowledge, shaping minds, and equally impacting the society he holds dear. His journey proves the power of passion, dedication, and resilience that continuously inspires others who have had the opportunity to mirror this erudite scholar. I am pleased to write to pay an overdue tribute to his life’s work, values, and invaluable contributions to mark his special day.

Prof. Yagboyaju’s achievements and contributions are not limited to his academic pursuits. He is a mentor to students and younger academics, a respected colleague, a dedicated community leader and, most importantly, a devoted family man who believes in keeping close ties. His unwavering commitment to the betterment of society, his contributions to education, and his profound impact on those around him speak volumes about his character and values.

With great admiration and gratitude, I join the host of innumerable well-wishers to honour Prof. Yagboyaju’s life and legacy as he celebrates 60 years of purpose, wisdom, and positive influence. Undoubtedly, it is no exaggeration to say that Dhikru is not an unfamiliar face to many due to the overreaching impacts across essential aspects of social existence. With immeasurable significance, Prof. Yagboyaju, throughout his career, has made outstanding contributions to political science, particularly in the areas of Development Administration and Policy & Strategic Studies. His research has delved into the complexities of Nigeria’s administrative politics, offering insights into the challenges and opportunities that shape the country’s administrative landscape.

His work in these areas has significantly contributed to ensuring lasting solutions and proper understanding are created in these fields in a way that has influenced the academic community and policymakers, who have benefited from his analyses and recommendations. Very crucial to these is the distinctive honour conferred on him by the duo of Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD), United Kingdom, and National Institute for Legislative & Democratic Studies (NILDS) to present a paper on the report of Baseline Study of Political Parties’ performance in Nigeria & Development of Assessment Tool (Nigeria Open Political Party Project) in a program that started in December last year and ended in January 2024.

Prof. Yagboyaju’s scholarly pursuits are marked by a persistent commitment to addressing real-world problems, which invariably leads to his contributions toward developing solutions that promote good governance and social justice. His research cuts across topics relating to electoral processes, public administration, and the role of civil-military society in democracy, which has helped create an equilibrium in understanding the factors that influence political stability and development. His presentation, titled “Is a storm brewing towards 2023? The Challenges of Violence & Electoral Competition in Nigeria”, which came up months towards the general elections, was an ice breaker that calmed the nerves of many concerned Nigerians. We all know the precarious aura that permeated the air as the election drew near last year. Luckily for the nation, the presence of scholars like Prof. Yagboyaju provided a deeper understanding of the political dynamics that shape Nigeria, with advocacy for reforms that would enhance transparency, accountability, and citizen participation in politics.

Over the years, Prof. Yagboyaju has become a respected figure in Nigerian academia. His career within the university’s walls has seen him hold crucial positions within the system, where he has inspired and influenced students who seek to model his dedication and passion for learning. In his records of excellence and commitment to teaching, what he loves most are three university experiences where he taught students of various levels. The Departments of Political Sciences at the University of Lagos, Akoka, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife and the University of Ibadan, where he has been for almost a decade now, can testify to the greatness that surrounds this erudite scholar. Learning under him, as testified, has been insightful, engaging and exciting.

Prof. Yagboyaju’s legacy is not only in the knowledge he imparts but in the minds he shapes and the academic standards he upholds. Apart from the academic exploits in class, he has contributed immensely to the wholesome transformation of education in his way through book publications, research works, and thesis supervision within and outside Nigeria, in addition to acting as a resource person and trainer for government institutions, private establishments and the military. He is a proud author of many books, a co-author and contributor to various journals, reports and technical write-ups.

Ranking topmost amongst the significant modest effort and utmost dedication towards scholarship and authentic research is: “Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and the Challenge of a Faltering Democratization,” published in African Studies Quarterly, where he had a hundred per cent contribution in dissecting the intricate nature of the subject. In the same vein, he is also credited with his dutiful contribution to understudying the prevailing corruption issues. This menace has marred the functionality of government institutions in Nigeria. In this regard, he authored a masterpiece on the quest for money through public finance concerning the moral decadence that comes with it. His masterpiece, “Morality and Politics in Nigeria: What has money got to do with it?” was featured in the Asian Journal of African Studies.

Having drawn examples from world best practices, one of Dhikru’s significant contributions to scholarship revolves around his recommendations on the need to ensure the return of the functionality of Nigeria and its sensitive institutions towards an effort to be autonomous and independent. He has argued that this would not materialize in thin air unless the nation steers its ship towards becoming a more vibrant state, emphasizing cordial state-society relationships where many sectors are more interested and involved in public affairs and governance.

As a community man, Prof. Yagboyaju’s unwavering commitment to community service has earned him profound respect and recognition across Nigeria. This started with the earliest recognition conferred in 1995, as he was honoured with the title of Asiwaju Are-Ago of Erin Osun in Osun State as a testament to his influence and dedication to the well-being of his community. Within the same year, he got the Merit Award for Excellence from the Federation of Edeland Students Union, an indigenous organization at the University of Ibadan, for his commendable role in uplifting students from Edeland and empowering the next generation.

As he continued to impact lives, Prof. Yagboyaju took on roles that emphasized his belief in education as a transformative force. Notably, from 2009 to 2021, he served as the Chairman of the Governing Board of Muslim Model College, Ibadan (MMCI), where he led with enthusiasm and changed the course of activities under his watch, as he consistently fostered a culture of academic excellence and moral integrity, guiding students to be both knowledgeable and conscientious citizens.

Prof. Yagboyaju is genuinely worthy of emulation. To continue to list his awards and honorary recognition would, in truth, go against the meek and modest personality he portrays. However, I would like to generously mention his title as the Taiyese of the Iyamoye Kingdom, an honour bestowed upon him by the good people of Kogi State in 2021. This honour reflects the vastness of his influence beyond his hometown as a testimony to his status as a beloved figure in multiple communities.

As we celebrate Prof. Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju’s 60th birthday, I attest to a life dedicated to purpose and a legacy that will undoubtedly stand the test of time. His vast contributions to academia, his positive influence on Nigerian society, and his unwavering devotion to both his family and community exemplify the remarkable individual he is. Prof. Yagboyaju has devoted himself to pursuing knowledge, elevating education, and advancing society with integrity, humility, and genuine compassion. We are profoundly grateful for the insights he has shared, the countless lives he has influenced, and the inspiring example he has set for all of us.

As he enters this exciting new decade, I join my voice with others to wish him abundant health, joy, and personal fulfilment. May his wisdom continue to inspire those around him, and may his legacy resonate across generations: happy 60th birthday, Prof. Yagboyaju. Be assured of my most profound respect and heartfelt admiration for your contributions, kindness, and unwavering commitment to making the world a better place. Your impact is truly boundless, and we celebrate you today with immense gratitude.