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Intellectualism, Social Philosophy, And Governance: A Nexus

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20 Years Of African University College Of Communications (AUCC): Looking Back On The Achievements And Looking Forward To Innovative Upgrades

THE  TOYIN FALOLA INTERVIEWS

A

Conversation With Professor Richard Joseph (2)

Intellectualism, Social Philosophy, and Governance: A Nexus

President Obama with Professor Joseph

By
Toyin Falola

Talking about the functionality of the human biological parts, either of animals or humans on this planet, is easily construed as primarily attached to natural programming or sentient behavior. To conceive the world through the examination of the functionality of these parts in the way highlighted above is to have a very superficial, yet conventionally popular, position about how things work in the world because when society plays an important role, it is too ordinary to ascribe the capacity to function to nature. Of course, a surface examination of the above would, predictably, push people to question the logicality of the assumption, and that in itself would not be a problem because such a contrariant position is not unforeseen.

A logical aversion to it will immediately generate a mental eruption that could potentially pose a question such as: if biological parts could function outside of nature’s configuration, how would there be people with eyes who yet cannot see, people with ears who yet cannot hear, all of them having their problems traceable to a congenital anomaly? Whereas they will not be wrong when carefully thought over, they would have committed a crime of overlooking the place of secondary performative values, which is exclusive to social programming, and we shall connect this to Richard Joseph’s place in knowledge production.

If the eyes were naturally meant to see, one would be able to perceive dangers before they became obvious. But since dangers exist in different dimensions in civilizations, different societies worldwide have undertaken the need for a conscious programing of these biological parts. We would notice that even when they can fulfill their natural assignment of seeing, the eyes are valueless in situations where knowledge that can grant them the ability to see things before they are obvious is not transferred to them. In essence, it would be able to look but not see in the sense of its social importance.

What does the eye need to activate its seeing ability, one may ask? The eyes need knowledge, which is the most straightforward response to such a question. However, the people who give the knowledge need to be examined. Knowledge is central to development, but by human nature, not many people want others to grow, especially beyond them, as that would inferiorize their achievements. For these people, transferring knowledge to others would be done selectively, though this does not happen with teachers. Teachers light the candles of others, and surprisingly, theirs do not diminish as a result, which sums up the reason for the strong intellectual legacy that is usually associated with teachers. Without the thorough contributions of our teachers, we would not have been able to see, except to stare blandly, nor be able to understand when society is heading towards doom. The predominant responsibility of the eyes would have been short-circuited (although this is what happens to many people without knowledge in every human society) when there are no teachers to hint to us about the proximal future that we face, using only the activities of the present as their guide to peep into the future.

READ ALSO: Richard A. Joseph: One Of A Kind And The Rarest Breed Of Political Scientists

Teachers such as Richard Joseph have educated us that when the wrong societal philosophy is demonstrated or perhaps ornamented by the available political system, leadership reality, among other things, is corrupted, with dangers inevitably lurking around such a people, and they are unaware. With our eyes’ configuration, as done by teachers, we have a hint about our collective future that might have evaded us, as it is with many people who have eyes only for looking and not seeing. Human society has been made to function in this capacity that places so much importance on what teachers have to offer, and during the just concluded Toyin Falola Interviews, we had a good intellectual ride with our guest, Richard Joseph.

Richard Joseph opened our eyes to see that states are a political unit saddled with the duty to ensure the safety of those who fall within its boundaries. This perspective is suggestive of something very interesting. First, it reveals to us that the state is an instrument itself and not something that is naturally given. If we believe that the state is to be conceived as an instrument, then it would be used with some specific tactics to have maximum impact. This again means that it is susceptible to being misused, especially when it is in the wrong hands. Secondly, the state politically stands the possibility of losing its integrity as a political unit if some members do not believe their well-being is important to the state. An instrument is fundamental to achieving results, and it is managed by some groups of people whose selection process is determined by the collective decision of the people, except in cases of imposition.

READ ALSO: Speaking Truth To Power: Attahiru Jega, Toye Olorode, And Nigeria’s Future

Therefore, we can aver to challenge the reason for the dysfunctionality of a system when it is conventionally understood that the ones under whose control the state is, are selected and bound by the principles of representation in that geographical environment. We would not be taking a wrong step by doing this because it is obvious that although a number of these selected individuals use the state as an instrument to improve the lifestyle, lifespan and life quality of the people, they have, however, colonized the state so that it can only function for them. We would have no idea of the danger they are doing to the people and their future unless we have seen from the intellectual empowerment of our teachers that people kidnap the political system of countries for their provincial intention, which is what experts in political science call “state capture.”

Intellectualism, Social Philosophy, and Governance: A Nexus

In Africa, many states are victims of this horrible condition. Instead of being the instrument of development that would promise protection and prosperity to the people, the state is shortchanged to have absolutely no value for them under the reality that they use them for their selfish interests. Because they have mastered the art of deceit and duplicity, they make themselves nearly unquestionable and unaccountable. Many African countries are captured by the ones (s)elected because the category of people values self-aggrandizement than collective progress. It gets clearer that these are connected because the terminology that teachers feed us with to describe situations where the state is captured is called “prebendalism,” which is a concept used to designate the process of activating political patronage so that cronies would have access to public wealth.

To capture a state requires the collective effort of people in different political offices. When there is increased greed for personal aggrandizement, the people looking for effective opportunities to enhance their plan would find allies of similar ambitions or create them. They would find allies that would jointly assist in the despoliation of the state resources. This would continue because they have a unified ambition that does not serve the majority’s interests. Meanwhile, capturing a state gives such relief to the individuals at the front line of the exercise. However, they are always unaware that staging bad governance would not particularly help the culprits, for they would harvest from the problem either directly or indirectly. This would happen because society operates on the general law of physics: “behind every action, there is an equal opposite reaction.” The opposite reaction would come from people whose safety, welfare, and interests are not protected by those chosen to use the state as an instrument.

Suppose the social philosophy that necessitates the creation of a state shows the residues of collective interests in the development of interrelated and interrelating offices. In that case, one can understand that the basic reason is to promote a unanimous agenda that strengthens bonds and solidify connections. This means that, in addition to helping create a system responsible for managing people’s safety and welfare, the establishment of a state has another importance, which is humans’ inevitable need for mutual dependence. It should be emphasized that individuals in isolation cannot ensure their safety, no matter how powerful they are.

READ ALSO: Nigerian Professor In Eastern Europe On Russia-Ukraine War

In essence, the understanding that humans are vulnerable to external pressures, threats, and potential attacks necessitates the development of a system, such as a state. As a result, creating a state and its systems or institutions helps uphold humanitarian services for people within that geographical setting. Meanwhile, because each state has many institutions, then if some powerful individuals in charge of the affairs of the state want to capture the state, they first weaken the system for their plans to succeed. The sense of collective purpose that underpins the creation of the state is thus defeated because it is unavoidable in a state-captured situation for the person who wields state power to suck, milk, and render the available institutions useful only to themselves until they are removed from that position.

State capture harms our general moral principles as a people because individuals who have experienced the brutality of state capture will inculcate ideas and philosophies of how to conduct such atrocious undertakings when they are in positions of leadership. And because they would have mastered the art, they would have a more disturbing tenure when they have the opportunity. This is why the problems of prebendal states always appear humongous after a series of overwhelming political experiences. There is the individual who seized the country’s political system, ruling with every manner of brutality. Some people may succeed in learning or teaching these monstrous philosophies. When the masses complain or show defeat, it would lead to the ascension of other leaders, democratically elected or militarily selected, and they would come to do more damage to the system because the state is conquered.

Once the state is captured, education, security, health, economy, and other available institutions fail to deliver the expected public good. They will be ineffective since what is required of them is not met. Imagine the situation when the state plunges into this abyss. The education system would not produce vibrant individuals that can effectively make any difference in society, which would affect the philosophical constructs they would have. For example, they might downplay the significance of education because they do not have a firm foundation in it either. Security would become subdued, ineffective, and unproductive, giving room for every manner of atrocity that the morally decapitated individuals would wreak. This will happen in essence because the ammunition that would have been procured would be abandoned. Those who benefit from the systemic rots or state collapse would either procure ammunition of inferior quality or not buy them, making the individuals within such political boundaries unsafe. In addition, health difficulties would arise due to the lack of scientific laboratory equipment, and because of doctors whose understanding of diseases is based on Google search, following a patient’s complaint. In essence, state capture can induce state collapse.

Furthermore, there seem to be the grandparents of state capture; the notorious child called gerontocracy. The term is used to designate a political system run by older adults is gaining popularity among those who want to make the state work for them and in their favor forever. Many countries are considered victims of this political condition, but it concerns us more in Africa as many leaders in the postcolonial African environment have philosophically declared enmity with the democratic ethos about alternative perspectives and successors. They consider themselves above every other individual in society and have serious suspicion about others’ ability to manage the state to benefit the majority. The hate against others has shielded them from the cries and crises society faces because of their actions. Many African leaders have captured the states only in different capacities and dimensions. Except Cameroonians aged forty and under-read about having rotational leadership or a democratic system that allows the emergence of popular candidates, their experience of and with Papa Paul Biya alone cannot make them appreciate democratic ethos because they have not witnessed another leader but the only Papa in their whole existence.

READ ALSO: Nigeria And The Multiplication Of Chaos

The consequences of having government representatives who are old and devoid of ideas are distressing. Apart from Cameroon, the President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, is another African gerontocrat. These leaders have no particular touch with the events of the contemporary time, yet they are intricately tied to the government of their countries, giving no opportunity to budding individuals to positively impact their countries. All forms of political-crazy with negative connotations, such as plutocracy and gerontocracy, are different realizations of state capture because those involved in it have the dream and desire to use the institutions of the state for their personal gain. Therefore, the problem is that by holding the state to ransom in this way, voices of reason which would have injected normalcy, orderliness, and due process into the system find ways to escape from the country to another place where their intellectual ideas are valued and celebrated. The urge to remain in power, greed and an insatiable quest for personal glory seems to be common denominators among the leaders of the countries facing this political problem. When all these are found in anyone and they have successfully found a way of cornering the system, they would rule with utmost impunity.

However, there is a meeting point. In an intellectual society, humans provide ideas that are eventually clothed in theoretical knowledge and used or applied to enhance sanity and stability through careful observation and long-term examination of events. But the misapplication or non-application of theories could bring numerous disasters so much that one would believe the theories are ineffective in the first place. Therefore, knowledge production would not be disregarded because leaders fail to understand its application or are generally mischievous in its usage. In Africa, what is needed goes beyond theory since results are imminently required. What do Africans need to do to make them a better people and continent that is well poised for greatness, from which other countries or civilizations would benefit substantially?

Responding to the question posed by Professor Yacob-Haliso, Professor Richard Joseph intones that theories are not what have failed the African people or the states, but praxis. Theoretical frameworks are human conceptions connected to the evaluative observations and judgments they make of a situation after thorough engagement. Indeed, the beauty of theory lies in the fact that nearly all aspect of human endeavor is constructed by theoretical reasoning because conceptions usually precede productions. While the centrality of statehood is important for achieving basic things needed to lead a quality life, it requires certain ingredients to be properly put in place.

First, according to Professor Richard Joseph, is leadership. The right leadership is needed to get the state to work in the appropriate direction. Leadership does not mean an individual occupying a political office. It means the resolution of individuals who find themselves in public offices (and by the public, I mean any position where one’s services are required) to demonstrate uncommon readiness and commitment, with uncompromising principles to drive societal changes. Leadership is that important because critical decisions that should be made would have to be made by leaders with foresight. Their ability to see far beyond is not all the time theirs. On many occasions, a good leader is defined by the ability to coordinate people and ferment ideas from them through constant engagement. Therefore, they take the bold step to make these ideas count in their policy formulation and intervention. This indicates that there is a need for a leader who is not vainglorious, as vainglory is at the core of prebendalism. When leaders are all out for their selfish ambitions, the state is also the primary victim.

Secondly, the people who are trusted with the responsibility to produce ideas would have to stay loyal to the cause because they would always be needed when idea reformation, knowledge creation, and frameworks of moral principles are needed. Meanwhile, every group of people needs these things to progress. Intellectuals are not appropriately celebrated, and this is why it appears like their efforts are not recognized or worthy of any attention. They do not produce ideas from nothingness, after all. Their theories are based on their continual observations of the world around them, and the fact that they have debated and discussed their ideas indicates that they have the potential to transform people and society into something great.

READ ALSO: Communique Issued  At The End Of The Presentation Of Understanding Modern Nigeria

When intellectualism, social philosophy, and governance are understood this way, a level of unity will combine to produce the necessary spark for the restoration of progress among the people. There is no development without knowledge, and since knowledge produces the form of social philosophy that people use, they may produce the wrong results if these things do not work well. The African continent has placed limited value on its educational system, resulting in the underplay of the role of knowledge.

(This is the first report on the interview with Professor Richard Joseph on March 27, 2022. His views have traveled wide, reported in several newspapers. For the transcript, see YouTube
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=anOv_AJBHMs; Facebook https://fb.watch/c0p49QbUOK/)

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Interview

Monica Cheru On Rethinking African Literature

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20 Years Of African University College Of Communications (AUCC): Looking Back On The Achievements And Looking Forward To Innovative Upgrades

By Toyin Falola
In an earlier piece, I traced the historiography of African literature and wrote about anticipations of how the panelists at the last edition of the Toyin Falola Interviews (in conjunction with the Pan-African Writers Association) would propose ways of rethinking African literature. Today, I will be spotlighting and extrapolating the views of Cheru, the only female panelist and the Vice President (Southern Region) of the Association. Cheru had many interesting perspectives on the questions and issues raised.

There is largely an imbalance between the financial stability of critics and writers, based mainly on the fact that a higher percentage of critics are employed at universities, thus having a stable source of income compared to literary writers. In stating her perception of this imbalance and approaches to springing up a reward system that balances the financial strength of both critics and writers, Cheru started with writers’ mentality and our perception of writing—especially as a full-time job—as one of the biggest stumbling blocks to writers’ achievement of financial stability.

Passion is the key ingredient in the making of literary writers, which makes the bulk of writers venture into writing as a means of expressing themselves and connecting with their deep passion for literature and writing. However, it should be known that passion is not enough to build a successful writing career. The writer must step out from the mentality of writing as a second option and realize that it is a full-time career that passionate writers can pursue, thus approaching writing as a professional. This means that writers need to improve their writing skills and develop a career path that can help them turn a profit.

Monica Cheru On Rethinking African Literature

Monica Cheru

Cheru further went towards the controversial side when she stated she does not see any excuse for writers to be poor or “unable to put food on their table.” As controversial as this may seem, Cheru is not wrong because there are several opportunities out there that literary writers can tap into once they have taken writing as a professional career and not just as a hobby. Writers can earn money through the ability to market their ideas.

In reality, many African writers do not invest enough in producing, promoting, and distributing their works, which could be due to the lack of funds to invest in such. However, professionalism is required at every stage of the book creation process, from story-writing through publishing to distribution and promotion. Writers should be ready to be strategic about the stories they want to tell, the impacts they hope to make, and the people they want to engage with their stories. They should be prepared to attend events, launch their books, and promote them. They must learn to network with other writers and join the right writing communities.

Another issue relating to African literature is African writers positioning themselves for prizes, especially Western prizes. These prizes, among other things, provide writers with references and proof of their outstanding works. Some of these prizes come with substantial monetary rewards that serve as the gateway to more opportunities for several writers on a continent where success in the writing world is based largely on grit, talent, and passion, with the stark absence of access to practical writing-related degrees and writing workshops.

Notably, all the panelists at the last discussion are award-winning writers. Having won writing-related awards in the past could well have given credence to their emergence during the selection process because awards and recognition are a good means of gauging one’s impacts and qualifications across all walks of life. The question that rears its head then is: what does winning awards, or otherwise, mean for one’s career as a literary writer, African literature as a whole, and for up-and-coming writers? Prize obsession could evolve into a fast-spreading phenomenon if it has not already. Thus, is prize obsession justified, given that winning awards and prizes could contribute to a writer’s career?

READ ALSO: Rethinking African Literature

For Cheru, awards and prizes should not be the focus, and she strongly advocates against them. As she said, some of these awards and prizes have the style and pattern they look for in literary works. Only writers who pander to the box created by the awarding institutions qualify for the awards and eventually win. Cheru believes that the bulk of the awarding institutions from the West, which are incidentally the institutions with substantial monetary rewards for African writers, tend to favor negative African stories or those that portray Africa as that suffering, never-to-develop continent of people who look up to and need the salvation of the West. It may seem counter-intuitive to advocate against prize obsession, as there is a need to balance the reward system for writers and raise awareness of their financial stability.

However, having many African literary works pandering toward certain narratives with the hopes of winning prizes does not augur well for the continent. Thus, African writers need not write for prizes. This is not to say writers be anti-prize or reject nominations. Cheru’s message is that writers should write for all the reasons they want to, strive to document Africa’s history, and portray Africa as a continent rich in human and natural resources. They could very well opt for writing against the ills in African society and the poor leadership that bedevils the continent. But the primary motivating factor for writing should not be the hopes that such writing will get nominated for foreign prizes. If the prizes come in the end, then writers can celebrate.

It is also important to encourage the new generation of African writers to find their voice and write without pandering to the style and narrative awarding institutions watch out for in African literature. Success for literary writers should not necessarily be measured by how many awards they win. Success can also be defined by how well one’s literary works meet the demands of one’s audiences. In defining African literature from a gender perspective, there are questions like: Should there be a special focus on writings by African women and for African women? Should we give special attention to writing by African women? Should there be dedicated support for grooming female African writers? These are sub-forms of larger questions of gender equality, equal opportunities for all, and feminism.

READ ALSO: Alternative Paths To Ghana’s Success

Cheru does not subscribe to the idea that African literary works should be segmented across gender lines. For her, some female-related African literary works are sponsored, and the sponsors have some narratives they want to foster. This puts writers under pressure to write what fits into the narrative, thus crippling their creative freedom, as the focus is placed on highlighting issues rather than writing naturally and on the basis that there is an audience that needs to be reached with the writer’s creative thought flows. Cheru also believes that there is a generalization of Africa-related cultural beliefs and values viz-a-viz the treatment and consideration of women. Of truth, several African traditional practices are flawed in their treatment and acknowledgment of the female gender. However, Cheru believes that the roots of these issues run deeper than what sponsored gender-based African literary works currently portray and that it is a multi-perspective issue that must be addressed.

There is also the need to strategically boost the visibility of African writers and African literature. All over the world, public places like airports and train stations and even hotels are good points of call for literary works; sadly, African literature is missing from the equation. There is the need to give visibility to African books in a way that shows we are ready to actively promote literature by our people. Rethinking African literature entails reforming African literary writers’ mindset, as well as the mentality toward African literature. African writers need to be more audience-aware, to better understand the trends in world literature and how to make Africa the centerpiece of those trends.

.This is the final interview report with a panel of African writers on August 7. For the transcripts: YouTube:

Facebook: https://fb.watch/eLOPycx-MF/)

 

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Touching Base With Chido Onumah’s Perspectives On Nigeria’s 2023 Elections

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20 Years Of African University College Of Communications (AUCC): Looking Back On The Achievements And Looking Forward To Innovative Upgrades

Touching Base with Chido Onumah's Perspectives On Nigeria's 2023 Elections

By Toyin Falola
The past few weeks’ events have made the forthcoming 2023 elections more of a reality to the average Nigerian than they were six months ago. As typical of every election period in Nigeria, there have been party defections; party primaries were rife with irregularities, reckless spending to win delegates over, and unbelievable sums of money doled out in a country touted to be the world’s poverty capital, where universities are currently shut because the academic staff union is at salary-and-allowances-inciting loggerheads with the government. Party flagbearers are emerging in all nooks and crannies of the country, and the scenes replay themselves yet again, as they always do during every election period in Nigeria.

On Sunday, May 22, 2022, we had one of the not-so-common editions of the Toyin Falola Interview Series. It was a discourse that featured veteran journalist and social commentator Dr. Chido Onumah alongside Dr. Jibrin Hussaini, Dr. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, and Ms. Miriam Oke. It was an intellectually engaging evening that saw our guests extrapolate on some of the major issues that bedevil the Nigerian nation-state during election periods. Let us touch base with some of the points and perspectives Dr. Onumah shared.

Touching Base with Chido Onumah's Perspectives On Nigeria's 2023 Elections

The Role of Money in the 2023 Nigerian Elections
Money is the convenient and effective wheel on which many human endeavours run. Thus, we cannot rule out the need for money during elections. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) budgeted N305 billion for the 2023 General Elections, which is N70.5 billion more than the commission approved for the 2019 elections. Elections cost money — registering voters, acquiring electioneering materials and equipment, setting up registration centres and polling booths, and hiring temporary INEC workers. Spending before, during, and after the elections is necessary. Therefore, it must be a concern for a country like Nigeria if so much is spent on elections when there is little to nothing to show at the end.

Nevertheless, the nation’s election expenditure is not so much a concern compared to aspirants’ and parties’ spending on the electioneering process. As the government spends billions of naira trying to conduct “free, fair, and credible” elections, so do political aspirants and their parties spend billions of naira on winning party blocs, lobbying delegates, buying the electorate’s conscience and consciousness, among other election-winning and money-costing tactics. The recent primaries conducted within Nigeria’s two largest parties — the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) — brought news on how aspirants spent money in reckless abandon, whether or not they were guaranteed their party’s ticket.

What preceded that: the cost of nomination and expression of interest forms across all parties, the highest being the APC’s N100 million demands from all presidential ticket hopefuls? This move raised questions that would ultimately lead to the conclusion that either the contestants have so deeply eaten into the public treasury — given how long many of them have been in the corridors of power — or they are hoping that buying the form would be an investment for which they would receive massive returns if they win the election or get appointed as a minister or for some other political seats.

Yet, purchasing the grossly expensive forms is a baby step the average Nigerian politician needs to take for the 2023 elections. As per calculations, the average presidential aspirant would need over N1 billion to monitor election proceedings and ensure ballots are cast on election day. Additionally, my team and I have calculated the financial costs of properly setting up an independent political party in Nigeria, with all the structures that can help a party gain grounds and win elections. Our calculations resulted in a whopping N200 billion. This shows the high amount of money that goes to electioneering in Nigeria, even when there is hardly any buzz or signs of life in these parties, especially the non-ruling ones, within the three years between every ante-election an election year in Nigeria.

The role of money in Nigerian politics is an all-important one, and Onumah had interesting points to share about the 2023 elections. He touched on how politics has become Nigeria’s major and most lucrative business, making the aftermath of the reckless spending during electioneering periods of much more concern than the actual spending. For Onumah, several Nigerian politicians are in the “business” of politics as a form of investment, knowing that political power offers them the proverbial Midas’ touch to get everything and anything they want. And that point cannot be lost on us, seeing that a position as that of an appointed Accountant-General of the country could conveniently divert billions of naira of public funds to private coffers.

Onumah related the issues of this fast-growing and widespread Nigerian political business to the anomalies of the Nigerian state structure. If the reward for holding political offices in Nigeria were not as huge as it currently is — in terms of salary, sitting allowances, security votes, and constituency allowance, among other huge chunks of unwarranted bonuses that Nigerian elected and appointed public office holders to enjoy — and if there were systems in place that rightly and equitably punish corrupt officials, politicians would not invest so much to get into political offices.

Another valid case that Onumah made for the huge financial resources that go into electioneering in Nigeria is that the financially popular and “open-handed” political aspirant is more likely to win elections in Nigeria. Simply put, the more you can give, your chances of winning are higher. This is not unrelated to how practically impossible it is for the citizens to benefit from the dividends of democracy, such as job-creating and economy-stabilizing policies. The people know that politicians only mingle with the masses and come around to gauge the citizens’ plights during electioneering periods; thus, citizens are willing to take whatever they can from the politicians during campaigns and elections, even if it means suffering the consequences for four years or more.

The need to satisfy citizens by reinforcing their stomach infrastructure during the electioneering process is another reason money plays an important role in elections in Nigeria. Videos and news stories from the party primaries have shown the huge amount of money politicians have spent to convince a few hundred delegates in their parties to vote for them. One can then begin to mentally project how much more they would need to convince millions of people to get them to their political destination come 2023.

Touching Base with Chido Onumah's Perspectives On Nigeria's 2023 Elections

Will 2023 Bring True Change, Or Will It Be a Waste of Time and Resources?
Undeniably, Nigerians have been scarred. After the huge failure of the Goodluck Jonathan government in several aspects, including security and the national economy, the APC ran one of the most successful PR campaigns in Nigeria, selling the citizens on the status, integrity, and identity of Muhammadu Buhari, who would bring change to the country. Seven years later, the citizens have experienced nothing short of a disturbing and devastating change. This charring, caused by the Buhari administration, led to a poor voter turnout in the 2019 presidential election compared to the 2015 election.

This time, the 2023 presidential election will be similar to the 2015 presidential election. The citizens are tired of the Buhari-led government’s baggage and are yearning for a more refreshing leadership. This would, in turn, lead to a surge in the number of voters, as there has been an increase in the clamour for voters’ registration among frustrated citizens. However, would the citizens have wasted their time and resources at the polls when they turn out for the 2023 presidential election, with hopes in hand and ballot papers inked for whom they think fit the task?

According to Dr. Onumah, to consider things in general terms, the 2023 elections would be a waste of the electorate’s time because the issues bedevilling the country are foundational, so much so that no matter how qualified the next president is, he or she would not be able to do a good job of getting the nation back on track within the constitutionally stipulated timeframe. The problems Nigeria is currently facing, including the immolation of Deborah Samuel in the North and the cold-blooded murder of a military couple in the East, indicate Nigeria is bitterly divisive. It is akin to a couple who, although not divorced, have a troubled home where they fight bitterly and hurt each other dangerously. Separated, yet not legally divorced, and still living under the same roof. Of course, this analogy only briefly compares to what is currently plaguing the Nigerian nation-state.

READ ALSO: 2023 Election: Buhari’s Opportunity To Win

Despite these divisive issues in Nigeria, there has been no pin drop in the camps of the Nigerians contesting to be the nation’s president in 2023. They are far more buried in their aspirations and the repercussion of commenting on ethnically and religiously motivated actions like Deborah’s gruesome murder and the killing of the army couple. Nigeria is faced with so many internal issues, so much so that in Onumah’s opinion, the best that could happen to Nigeria now is for its next president to serve as a transitional president who would raise discussions and make moves about the structure and nature of the country and on the amendment of the constitution, to mention a few. For Onumah, the Buhari government has worsened matters bordering on national unity and cohesion; thus, the 2023 president has to be able to act as a transition president to help us touch on those painful, deep-seated, and foundational issues that the country is seriously avoiding but which need to be resurfaced and resolved, without which we cannot progress.

But then, what is the possibility of the 2023 president acting as a transition president? History shows us that Nigerian political officeholders are too selfish. As a result, it would be practically impossible to have any of the 2023 presidential aspirants consider themselves as the forerunner of another government that will benefit from and ride on the glory of the fruits that the expected turbulence of the next four years would bring. Nigeria is in disarray, and it is more than disheartening to see that the citizens and the political class seemingly live in different worlds within the same country.

READ  ALSO: Can Peter Obi Win The Presidential Election In 2023?

While the people writhe and languish in pains brought by ethnoreligious and socio-political divisions, the political class, which is only one small class — regardless of the façade represented by political parties, religions, or ethnic groups — continues to make beneficial alignments and arrangements to further steal from the nation’s treasury and render the citizens lonely and miserable. They spend recklessly, to the point that it is difficult to believe that within the same country touted as the world’s poverty capital are political office holders who command several billions of naira and can easily afford to dole out tens of thousands of dollars per delegate to hundreds of delegates. As the 2023 elections approach, Nigerian citizens need to know that there are several issues. Despite how the political class disguised as stupid and clueless in their deeds and public appearances or bloopers, they are wise and calculating. They are the new crop of oppressors who took over from the colonisers, and if anything, history tells us that oppressors do all in their power to keep the oppressed on a leash.

Though democracy gives power to the people, what is practised in Nigeria is far from being a democratic system. Thus, as the people increasingly become politically conscious, strategize, and plan for a better tomorrow, the political class is also assiduously making moves to throw clogs in the wheel and bring the nation to a grounding halt or a non-stop retrogressive movement. May they not succeed in their mission! Amen.

. This is the second report on the interview held on May 22, 2022, on the 2023 elections in Nigeria. The views of our distinguished panelists have traveled wide and have been reported in several newspapers.
For the transcript, see:

YouTube: https://youtube.com/watch?v=VJP3CfnlC28
Facebook https://fb.watch/daf9NQxuml/

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Interview

Rethinking African Literature

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God Abeg!

The Toyin Falola Interviews

Panel Discussion On African Literature (2)

Rethinking African Literature
By Toyin Falola

Every culture has its agencies of cultural and information transmission, written, spoken or demonstrated through various means. At one point or the other, nearly all civilizations of the world have depended on the spoken medium to communicate their thoughts and ideas. The evolution of other means came with the innovation of technology, the earliest one being orthography itself. With the invention of writing, information preservation and exchanges changed radically. People now have the opportunity to preserve their knowledge and immortalize their ideas through the agency of the new technology―writing.

Notably, this revolutionary development began in many places simultaneously, but the character of writing differed from culture to culture. For example, the primordial African civilizations had an orthographic system, but that knowledge was not widespread. Only people who belonged to a particular group knew to decode information lurked in their writing then, but such an approach to information preservation was not embraced in some other societies. Rather than being secretive, some civilizations opened their orthography to their populace, and writing became an instrument of communication. Consequently, literature became redefined. Beyond the pedestrian definition of literature as a body of written works, the concept is associated with the process of documenting one’s worldview and cultural orientations and customs by adding some creative ideas to support the argument made in the works.

To this extent, literature became an instrument of cultural or political re-engineering that (re)conditions the people’s psychological domain for various purposes. In essence, reading some literary text can progressively change one’s ideological convictions. If used in this case, literature would be a veritable instrument for controlling a people’s mind. In some other cases, when literature documents people’s past experiences, arts, and culture, it is believed to have been used as a compass for history to give people the opportunity to connect with their past and make sense of their evolving present. After colonialism, many African writers entered into the business of writing literary works, banking on their cultural resources as the materials of their intellectual productions. Unlike the past oral communication system used with their audience, written literature gradually displaced oral literature with its peculiarities and sociological imports.

Rethinking African Literature

With the aggressive progression of technology in the twentieth century, the world seemed to have faced another imminent transformation of the practice of storytelling, not through writing alone this time, but through visual and virtual interaction. Technology has made it inescapable to organize the exchanges of information, cultural ideas, and intellectual creativity using the digital technology manifested in internet culture, cloud computing and technology, and ICT. Meanwhile, it is noted that African literature, which earlier on graduated from predominantly spoken form to written ones, has suffered mutilations and injuries that many scholars have sometimes suggested that some form of surgical treatment should be recommended. Some have argued that this treatment should be linguistic remodelling, where the African language would be used as the means of the interface in writing. But African languages are numerous, and using several of them would betray its political mission (to challenge the hegemon), particularly as it was a response not to the Africans but to the controlling imperialists. This phase of African literature passed, but the challenges remain—African literary writers battle with this when education moves from the physical to the virtual world. To be relevant in that evolution, their literature must shift to reflect this.

Suppose African literature continues to make meaning to the people and connect with the rising generation whose lifestyle revolves around the internet and the ICT. In that case, writers must come to terms with writing and use the available medium to transfer their information. We should not make a hasty conclusion that because global literature has evolved from what it used to be to what it is today and Africans are gradually incorporating their literary productions into these systems, the problems lurking around African literature have suddenly disappeared. More problems can be imagined; the problems have been redefined and have become deadlier than before. For example, this conclusion is triggered by the awareness that there are challenges with accurately containing the cultural traditions and expressions that people want to make and the challenge of semiotic inadequacies that literature expressed in another language would bring. These problems do not disappear; they have been recreated into the current system that humans now operate with. The gravity of their challenge in the survival of African literature would be understood when one realizes that the younger generation has no preferences other than the internet, and their access to information stored there would mean they will be re-engineered in some ways.

Consider that the cartoon field is another potent literary mine that scholars are mining in contemporary times. Meanwhile, in some ways, cartoons represent a collapse of cultural ideas built into a technological system for consumption. African children, as innocent as they are, become active foragers of the internet, and social media, among others, to seek cartoons that will provide them with relaxation and knowledge. Cartoon stories are generally similar to the Afrocentric storytelling of the pre-colonial time when aged people arranged willing audiences and began to relay important messages to them. Through stories, these children were introduced to their society’s philosophical, cultural and ideological bloodstream, where they accessed a body of information and then used it to build their intellectual system. This practice has been remodelled into the internet, and the narrator of these stories is, in most cases, not the African aged that used to dish out knowledge to their people. It is the western narrators who build narratives that will condition the minds of readers and make them Western in orientation. The children will become enablers of colonization because they were exposed predominantly to cultural ideas that were not African. To challenge this, African literature deserves a rethinking.

The benefits of moulding the African child this way are manifold. The information acquired and stored at their tender age will always be with them for a very long time. They will continue to navigate their existence with the information they have taken in during their formative years. In essence, getting them to understand African philosophical leanings, religious identities, cultural traditions, moral values, and collective virtues will help them develop a permanent ideological base that will help them when they meet different cultural perspectives in the future. There is the possibility that Africans have continued to distance themselves from the cultural inheritance in the understanding that they are weak and perhaps subordinate to others. However, the perspective will not remain the same if they are worked on earlier than imagined.

Meanwhile, the literature of a people continues to prove itself as the best instrument with which they can redesign their lives. Access to the culture through technology will have a multiplier effect on the people and their political existentialism. For instance, they will be able to develop inventions on the internet that are useful to reveal other aspects of African culture to the world while simultaneously influencing world affairs in some ways. All these are inherent advantages that underlie rethinking the literature.

Beyond the transformation of written literature into the digital one is the understanding that writers of African narratives should challenge the status quo with their works. Writers across all generations have different epistemic battles that they must engage in so that the African identity will not die. There was a time the Empire wrote back to the European imperialists to correct the erroneous notions about the African people and their cultural inclinations. During that time, the collective attention of writers was drawn to the exploration of various African civilizations and cultures for proper documentation. It appeared during the period that a chunk of the history and great efforts of the pre-colonial African people have been displaced, distorted by false narratives, or lost completely in some cases. Therefore, continuing to listen to the perspectives of the colonizers about their identity was similar to watching serial assassins subjecting one’s relatives to homicidal adventures.

Apart from the emotional problems one would get from that experience, the psychological consequences cannot be overemphasized. In essence, the period experienced the surge of literary activities that wrestled and won the freedom to existence that Africans would later enjoy. Interestingly, the contemporary generation has a different assignment. The writer in the African context is naturally saddled with the responsibility of seeking to renegotiate African identity through their works as they have suffered untold injuries and severe injustices at the hands of external visitors. Despite this glaring responsibility, the quest for economic and financial stability also cuts in the way of excellently discharging their duties to the motherland.

By dwelling essentially on the diaspora experiences, these writers sometimes find themselves in the murky water of using the West as the nucleus of their writing. This unavoidably leaves the African people, culture, concern, agitations, and cause to be left unattended or given minimum attention. Meanwhile, helpless African culture suffers from the vestiges of corruption and humanitarian atrocities perpetrated, if not exclusively by their bad leaders, but also in collaboration with foreign companies. Problems continue in their countries while writers pick topics that suit Western literary markets to satisfy the urge for capitalist culture at the detriment of the in-house Africans undergoing pestilence, poverty, pensive violence, and violation of unknown magnitude.

Here, some scholars have come up with the idea of disruptive narratives. This is an evolving concept that depicts the employment of narratives to inspire social changes and revolutions by producing works that reveal social injustices and political ineffectiveness that have fostered poverty and diseases of an unknown kind; narratives that empower the people by identifying the underlying greatness in coming together for the restoration of social justice and values; and narratives that educate people about their fundamental responsibilities and the rights that come with them. All of these are ways contemporary literary writers are considering rethinking African literature.

One can logically ask where or how African writers fit in. The layers of undemocratic challenges facing African people come first from their intellectual deficit about the histories and cultures of their forebears, which would otherwise have given them the materials with which they could structure a strong civilization. The problems facing the people are not unconnected to the fact that culturally, they are gradually becoming orphans, making them powerless to construct social bonds that can be used to repudiate all social immoralities that have plagued the continent.

Technology is a great addition to the world, but Africans’ addiction to it brings cultural entrapment. And then we ask, in all of these, what is the role of a critic, or in a more defined form, what makes the writer different from the critic? Writers are the gifted individuals who gather resources together, process and transform them into abstract products ready for intellectual consumption. They refine these resources by sifting out the ones considered harmful for consumption by the people. However, there has been a surge of African writers as there are limitless cultural and ideological resources from which they can draw for their creative enterprise. They have continued to forage into the past African epistemological terrain, ontological reality and moral principles as the base of their works.

READ ALSO: The Toyin Falola Interviews Holds Panel Discussion on Rethinking African Literature In The Modern Era

To that extent, some African writers fit into the definition of creative writers whose works are inspired by the almost unending histories of their forebears and the great exploits that usually stand them out, among others. Their contemporary stories are tailored along the foundational ideals, principles, and knowledge handed down with a semiotic intelligence. Thus, one can take African fictional work and begin to draw out interpretations irrespective of the generation in question. Writers are seen as intelligent creators who have the vision of their community imposed as surveillance on their creativity, guiding them in the process of their artful engagement. However, the critic at the end of the rope interprets the work of arts using theoretical understanding and suppositions as the compass for interpretative engagements. These theories are an accumulation of ideas or sets of them that explain observed facts or situations. Although the professional assignment of the critic and the writer differs in this context, both of them appear to indulge in deep intellectual gymnastics. A critic’s interpretation is thus different from a layman’s reading, underscored by the fact that they use different interrogation techniques from other people.

In African literature, there has been controversy about the importance of a critic using Western theoretical understanding and knowledge to interpret African literature. The argument is that if theories are a set of ideas that explain a phenomenon, how can European facts or phenomena that differ in character and approach to African experience be adequate in interpreting the African narrative and, by implication, the African world? To understand the beauty of this argument, one cannot but look at the composition, the thematic, the epistemic, and the soul of African literature and see how glaringly different they are from their Western counterparts.

In addition, the critic, as opposed to the writer, has the opportunity to get rewarded even in schools and institutions. In many universities, they are employed as faculty members who take students through academic engagements to increase their intellectual values. It, therefore, opens the writers to the destructive hands of politics. Apart from the possibility of insufficient reinforcement for producing intellectually stimulating narratives, the writer may not attract much attention to be employed in corporate organizations for their skills. The logic in that situation is denied its voice as people find nothing bad in having writers relegated to the background as opposed to the critics who use their works. Therefore, when we talk about rethinking literature, we must accommodate thoughts and conversations that address these issues. For instance, some have argued that the writers place themselves at a vulnerable point when they fail to capitalize on their skills as their income sources. They can deliberately withhold their intellectual property if the necessary bodies do not recognize them. The underlying problems in this thinking are numerous, including the fact that the writer is a writer because they are motivated by the action of writing. In other words, they choose that trajectory to fulfil their potential. Critics perform differently as they give meaning to works already perfected by the writers.

Rethinking African Literature

At a grand level, rethinking African literature without reconsidering the language of expression would amount to a fruitless engagement frustrated by the unwillingness to address critical issues. Language is central to the propagation of literature. Apart from being the instrument through which writers send information to their audience, it facilitates understanding of what is being transferred from writers to the world. Notably, the current global community has seen the brutal hands of globalization occasioned by the imperialists’ continued determination to promote and enhance capitalism. Extending one’s economic and political domination to others a few centuries ago led to the large-scale imposition of colonial languages to the world, where colonies were forced to embrace respective language reservations. They continued in the assimilation of the Western languages and their culture, which brought about the postcolonial extension of this extant domination.

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African languages have been subjected to the pressure of every kind. Apart from being considered inadequate and unwanted in handing down the information and knowledge of its epistemic environment, they are also derided based on their international acceptability. Therefore, it is no coincidence that the African writers have been compelled to write in the language of their colonizers for one reason or the other. So, if we are considering rethinking African literature, the place of language deserves respect in that conversation. In the distant and proximal history, African scholars have engaged in this controversial debate where leading African creative writers hold an opposing side of the intellectual debate. Some concede that colonial languages can be domesticated and, in some situations, redacted. The ones in this category believe they are themselves products of postcolonial knot and were exposed to only the colonial languages in their development process. It would, therefore, be as counter-productive as it is impractical to use a language for which one lacks the necessary professionalism to pass across their messages.

Furthermore, their ambition to correct the erroneous impression of the West would be immediately frustrated when they wrote in a language their targets do not understand. In other words, the West would be barely convinced (although I am confused as to understand the logic in convincing the West in the first place) of the intellectual capacity of the African people. Those on the other side argue that writing in the colonial language alienates the people from the resources from which writing is drawn. It begs the question if the focus that compelled the African people to write back to the West is still the dominant focus of their texts today.

.This is the interview report with a panel of African writers on August 7. For the transcripts: YouTube:

Facebook: https://fb.watch/eLOPycx-MF/)

 

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