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Ethnic Census And  The Lagoon

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The Duplicity Of A Nation’s Politrickians
Omoh Giwa

By Omoh Giwa

My Fellow Southern Nigerians,

I have with bridled restraint avoided conversations and arguments on the elections and its resulting controversies. I have refused to air my thoughts not because I do not have the words but two waterfalls cannot hear each other. For me, it is more than choosing one ethnicity over the other though there is no love lost between my paternal ancestry and me,  I cannot choose one tribe over the other, for we are brothers. 

I watched with alarming alacrity our resolve to attack, disparage and villainize each other, separated by our religious and ethnic sentiments. I am scared (I’ve been studying conflicts in Africa since 2015) that this will be the straw that broke the camel’s back. The good book in Matthew 12:25 says, ‘… a house divided against itself shall not stand’ like the English comprehension passage that taught us ‘united we stand; divided we fall’ yet we have failed to heed the warnings or maybe it is the demarcation that is unclear.

I remember reading pre-elections in 2022, Hausas complaining of the oppression and dominance from the minority Fulani and like most readers, I laughed it off too. I, however, read up on ethnicities in Nigeria and realised the North comprises more than the Hausa and Fulani groups, however, these groups were silent during the elections. Unlike we southerners, they did not allow their political difference cause chaos and hysteria. They played us as usual and worked towards their common goal. Even terror groups like Boko Haram and Fulani bandits suspended all operations. We heard nothing from Benue and Southern Kaduna as though every warring group declared a vacation and time of rest for their personnel. The South was a different field entirely. I understand that the East is mired with attacks from Unknown (Sometimes Known) gunmen but why did we let terror flow down to the West especially Lagos?

The threats to foreigners especially the Igbos in Lagos was repeated  just as an Oba once promised to drive them into the Lagoon (I hope this threat does not include Delta and Edo since to our host we are all Igbos) and destroy their businesses two election cycles ago. We saw the commissioner for Parks [and Thugs] threaten to maim and kill any Igbo that voted against his benefactor and there are recorded incidents of attacks.

I have not withdrawn from my shell to remind you of your hatred for your brother but I think this animosity and distrust is blinding you from the actual ‘kokoro’ in your vegetable and I do not think the South-easterner is that enemy. Irrespective of whatever reasons or excuses you have to support this hatred for each other, it is inconsequential in the grand scheme of things.

Have you not heard our people say that when two brothers fight, a stranger reaps the harvest? So why are you not asking  who wins when Igbos and Yorubas go on this violent-dance every electoral cycle? Why does the third man not join in the free-for-all battle? Why does he stand aside while you battle it out with words and actions? Please do not put words (I am not confident to say aloud) in my mouth; I am not calling anyone the enemy/stranger, I merely ask that you think of the real victor in this fight. I wonder why ethnicity becomes the fulcrum during elections yet we all bear the cost of bad governance. The Igbo is not the enemy as they are as oppressed as you are. Do you not remember when you wined and dined with your Igbo neighbours? How we stood watch during Lockdown, shoulder to shoulder against marauders and thieving gangs? Do you not marry and befriend Igbo women and eat Ofe Nsala at Bukas or Isi Ewu at Bars? 

Why does the third man insist that only an alliance with him will ensure victory? A strategy they have employed since 1953 till date. They ensure our representatives are subservient to them (Obasanjo and Jonathan pandered to the North until they were cast away) and I fear that Jagaban will follow in the same path (Is it not our people that tell us to look at where a person stood in their youth and we will deduce where he will sit in his old age?). Southern leaders in a bid to portray detribalised values (you and I know it is actually for re-election purposes) pander to the dictates of the North yet they are never encumbered by such values. Or is this Northerner not showing favouritism towards his Fulani brethren including the Nigeriens (I wonder what economic/political advantage Niger is to Nigeria that we are building a rail to connect us. Kano, Katsina and Sokoto have a higher GDP combined than the entire nation of Niger) but I digress.

Every election cycle, we hear and notice the irregularities in the North especially towards under-aged voting. Though we complain and rant on social media and TV, nothing is done to curb it (they are the true, irrefutable owners of Nigeria). Southern leaders desperate for a slice of the national cake; hungry for power and Northern acceptance will lie, roll over and play fetch. It is their colonial-given right to rule this nation and the question we should be asking is: are we ever going to share equally? However, we have burdened ourselves with mundanities such as: the Igbos should return to their homeland. Why are the Igbos overambitious? The Igbos are buying all the lands in Lagos (Makes me wonder who sold Alaba rago to the Hausas. Take a drive from Orile to Okokomaiko especially in front of LASU).

The nation is being prepped for a National Census (and inflated figures to support their dominance will be released) and the Minister of State for Budget and Planning has informed us that his ministry requires 869 billion naira to count approximately 216 million Nigerians (he even asked “well-meaning” Nigerians to donate) though his predecessor in 2015 said he needed only 283 billion (I will not even bother calculating inflation or is it padding?). INEC that used ordinary 355 billion naira to conduct the freest and fairest election ever in the history of Nigeria (I am merely quoting a [dis]Honourable Minister of NTA) does not have two heads o. So NIN/BVN cannot be used to do rough estimate? At least until we are no longer poor and destitute.

I wonder what will happen if we take a page from their playbook. They claim their herd of cattle is as important as their children then let us count our chickens and goats, cocoa, banana, palm and coconut trees from Badagry to Nsukka and Ogoja because they also make up our cosmology. Our landmass might be smaller compared to theirs but we are also capable of providing figures too. I suggest we allow those sunk in the Lagoon return to their ancestral homelands to be counted.

Yours in Enumeration,

Giwa, who might be presenting her pens and books for the census.

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.

Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.

Thabo Mbeki

To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.

Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.

Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.

Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.

It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).

The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.

More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.

For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.

This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.

PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

 

 

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Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

 By Leo Igwe

As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.

I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.

I arrived in Singapore on August 29 after a 17-hour flight with a short transit in Doha, feeling tired, and overwhelmed but also excited. It was my first visit to Singapore, a country, that I have heard about so much. In less than 24 hours, it was obvious to me that it was a worthwhile trip. I was greatly pleased by what I saw, and how things worked. I was happy that Singapore had a humanist society that was robust enough to organize a General Assembly. Kudos to the organisers.
The second day I joined a tour that focused on harmony in diversity. We visited buildings, streets, and places that told stories of how Singapore had managed to maintain harmony despite its diverse racial, ethnic, and religious heritage. I was surprised to know that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion. Some friends from the region told us not to interpret the no-religion category the same way it is done in the West. Muslims who felt they were not fulfilling their religious obligations could identify as having no religion. Whatever the case, that no religion category offered some hope for freedom and humanity.
An attendee from Malaysia noted something interesting during the tour. He stated that, if by any chance a public presentation was made in Malaysia indicating that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion, some riot would break out. Thank goodness, it was in Singapore!
On the second day, there was a conference on secularism and interfaith harmony. Humanists, some ‘liberal’ Muslims, and other stakeholders in interfaith relations discussed the challenge of forging interfaith harmony in Singapore. It was encouraging to hear how some brave individuals were pushing boundaries and navigating risky religious terrain in the country that seemed committed to being a shining example of religious tolerance and interfaith harmony in the region. There is still a lot of work to be done in furtherance of freedom of religion or belief and in combating extreme religious ideas. I heard about the country’s religious rehabilitation project and was concerned. I wondered about its impact on religious and belief freedoms.
From all I witnessed at this event, there is hope for humanity in Singapore. The country could one day become a regional hub for humanism and freethought. There is a bright future for secularism in South Asia/Pacific. The international humanist movement should help local humanists realize this future. In a region where some countries regard atheists as terrorists, and people who renounce their religion, Islam in particular, risk being attacked, killed, or imprisoned, humanism could become a force for good, and Singapore a symbol of hope and progress.

 Igwe,PhD,  is a board member of Humanists International, UK.

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The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 10):  Politics And Its Dirty Deuces

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

One reason politics is often branded a dirty enterprise is its susceptibility to being wielded as a weapon of destruction. In every country, politics remains dangerous–both as an instrument of construction and destruction. When in alignment with powerful cliques or caucuses, it is often used to elevate individuals and catapult them to greater heights. This is because politicians can access tools to advance such intentions, which they deploy at their will. Anyone who has attained some level of progress or growth can be said to have benefited from the good side of politics. Even if politics is not directly responsible for their success, they must have escaped its destructive hands,

However, when those who wield political power decide to do so, they may become harsh to their targets and exploit their victim’s vulnerability until it brings about their downfall. Thus, it can be inferred that those who have experienced the challenges of life irreparably may have been victims of political forces who wanted them dealt with. This does not imply that all personal problems result from political forces. Still, it does suggest that the inability to overcome such challenges may often be attributable to it. Follow me.

Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki.

The South African experience is telling of the above dynamics. Independence was begrudged to the country by those who had not only earlier imagined that they would hold political power for a very long time but had also consolidated their conception of South Africans as shadows of themselves through the oppressive character of their political system. However, through the bold resistance led by the country’s liberator and other dedicated South Africans, their independence became inevitable–and very fast at that.

Although the domination of colonies by the imperialists was purely for exploitation, it was also inspired by the assumption that the colonized were sub-humans and inferior to them. This contemptuous belief permeated all aspects of their existence, so much so that even the colonized began to internalize these misconceptions at some point. However, once South Africans became strong enough to challenge the foundations of apartheid and colonialism, upholders of that exploitative system responded with attempts to tear down the anti-colonialism efforts. They sought to destroy the integrity of the frontiers of independence advocacy by investing in slander and character assassination campaigns against them.

The first missile in the arsenal of European imperialists, who had long held political power in Africa, was to tarnish the reputation and character of the newly elected Black leaders. They aimed to downplay the importance of self-rule or amplify the unfounded assumption that Black people were not intelligent enough to govern themselves. This became the most potent instrument with which they could destabilize the country and justify the various instances of oppression that they had institutionalized for centuries.

On the assumption of office by the Black leaders, led by Nelson Mandela, the first series of allegations was corruption and abuse of power. The imperialists believed that if they amplified the accusations of misappropriation against these leaders, they could erode their credibility and create enough instability to derail their leadership. This strategy was intended to distract the Black leaders and drag them into a political quagmire. Remarkably, Mandela did not give this distraction the anticipated attention because he understood the underlying politics that produced the hate. He knew the allegations were made maliciously to castrate their political and leadership power and render them useless in the general scheme of things. However, it became crucial for these leaders to clear the air and dismantle the negative perceptions deliberately created as a trap.

Whether truthful or not, it became evident that the masterminds behind these unfounded allegations were mindless about the veracity of their claims. Their goal was to continue with specific authority such that anyone who listened to their claims would be whitewashed to see things from their prejudiced perspective. This explains why the accusers continue to brandish the media to change the narrative about the incorruptibility of emerging African leaders.

Thabo Mbeki recounts how they faced baseless accusations, such as money laundering from buying specific necessities for the country. These claims were unfounded but also malicious and dangerous, lacking any evidence to back them up. Mbeki intones that despite correcting these dangerous narratives, they were not given the necessary attention as the accusers kept running to the media to lend credibility to their allegations.

However, Mbeki and his leadership team did not allow this to sway them, fully aware of their responsibilities and the intent behind these attacks. They discovered that the erstwhile political overlords intended to destroy the integrity of the new African leaders, sowing doubt among the people so that they could reconsider having white leaders remain in critical positions. Where possible, the imperialists wanted to retain their dominance and continue to exploit the people who had long suffered under colonial rule.

Meanwhile, an investigative body established to conduct independent findings found no evidence to substantiate the allegations and could not come up with anything to indict the leaders. Mbeki mentions that the dirty politics of deliberately trashing the reputation of the emerging Black African leaders was designed to achieve different objectives. For one, the former rulers feared that the new government would confront and expose the destructive legacies initiated by the earlier white leaders during apartheid. Fearing accountability for their past wrongdoings, they resorted to aggressively spreading fake information to mischaracterize the African leaders in the new world.

The reconfiguration of human society into a default setting, especially after enduring rounds of brutal, exclusionary leadership, was ultimately tricky and complex for people to understand. It requires immense sacrifice and the willingness to endure character assassination and negative portrayals. The emerging Black leaders in South Africa recognized this potential and accepted the responsibility of being the first African leaders in a postcolonial context. Their commitment to bring about change was rooted in the understanding that unless people stood up to the colonial imperialists–who were relentlessly focused on exploiting both the people and resources–there was a high possibility that the oppressive leadership style of the former white rulers would continue.

Mbeki believes that the redemption of their name lies in the hands of the masses, who have been tremendously helpful during their journey to South Africa’s future. He is convinced that people understand and identify with their struggles. While the campaign of calumny may be spread by the people for provincial objectives, the foundation of their society must be built on truth. Unwavering truthfulness protects their integrity in the eyes of the people.

Honesty is the key to winning the hearts of the masses who have faced detrimental challenges in deciding who truly represents their interests. Mbeki understands that the masses have faced a flood of misinformation about them, especially the baseless accusations of misappropriating public funds. However, he trusts in the people’s ability to see through the tactics of the oppressors who have long endangered them through exploitation. Despite how fast contemptuous information spread, they needed to continue the path of their actions to restore the glory of the country that had been severely bastardized. Black leaders in South Africa have faced numerous challenges, but none as damaging as the displaced and recurring accusations of misappropriating public funds.

 PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

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