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Death, Drugs, And Dirges

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The chicken perches on the rope
The rope is restless,
The chicken is off-balance

Should we wear black clothes, take our lamps, and walk barefoot singing the dirges of the bereaved yet? Should we sing those dirges with the finality of nothingness? Or is there still a pulse our two fingers cannot make sense of? Should we speak of death, dying, or many things far from being alive? Not of humans but of the Nigerian educational system, whose viability and health are deplorable and, specifically, of the university system that causes students, the academia, the nation, and its citizens to dilly-dally. Should we sing dirges to the different excruciating deaths destroying education and the nation beyond repair?

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On February 14, 2022, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) declared a strike by its members, causing universities to close their gates to students for the past seven months, with no hope of resumption. The ongoing industrial action is one of the many that the university system has witnessed, crippling several processes and putting many Nigerians in confusion. ASUU has embarked on strike at least 16 times since 1999 and for more than 1500 days cumulatively; this is outside of the local and internal strike actions on local issues embarked on by individual Unions in some of the universities. The longest ASUU strike was the 270 days of total shutdown of Nigerian public universities in 2020, and the present one is about to overtake it if there is no favourable development and intervention.

Aside from the ASUU strike, the Non-Academic Staff Union (NASU), Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU) and other Unions under the Joint Action Committee (JAC) also consider strike actions as the only language the government listens to. After two months after the NASU and SSANU strike was called off, the Union members claimed that their salaries had not been paid since then. With the continuous and constant strike actions by the staff of the university system, large underfunding, and lack of average facilities for convenient and purposeful learning, it is understandable if one is confused as to whether to pronounce the system dead or dying. However, it appears to be far from being convincingly alive, and if there is any hope of revival, there must be a strategy to end it.

ASUU has been in constant demand for the revitalization of the University system through the injection of ₦1.1 Trillion by the Federal Government. The purpose of this, which is reasonable enough, is to raise the standard of Nigerian tertiary education and bring the various institutions close to the level of their counterparts across the globe. We can even forget that ASUU cannot monitor campus fraud, and some of this money will be stolen. Alongside this are agitations for the payment of earned academic allowances and the discharge of other commitments by the Nigerian government.

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Currently, the Nigerian government spends between five and seven per cent of its total budget on education, against the recommended 27 per cent by the United Nations. In a nation like Nigeria that needs considerable investment in both human resources and factors that guarantee a favourable future for the nation, education is an investment that cannot be excused. However, education cannot fully displace other needs like the lack of power, bad roads, and insecurity, so we have to cry out for other priority needs. University professors are not the only ones suffering from the consequences of a mismanaged state; they just happen to be the most combative.

These problems and other issues faced by the Nigerian university system, including social factors that have placed the institutions under lock and key for a long time, make one doubt how to describe the state of the university system. I do not intend to address whom to blame in the feud between the academic staff and the government, but the provocation and damning damage to the nation’s state, the citizens, and students. On this issue, the system and the institutions are not the only ones affected, as the nation records more body count and an increase in social vices, as well as the systematic soaring of the number of miscreants traceable to unengaged students over a long period. For emphasis, a study by Andreu Arenas and Lucas Gortazar shows that students who are victims of school closure are more likely to experience learning loss, and according to Eric Hanushek and Ludger Woessmann, there will be a possible reduction in their future incomes. It has also been proven that students coming from prolonged school closures have a higher risk of failing future tests and examinations. This is because the heavy distractions from learning affect their psychology and their orientation towards learning.

Whereas one could hold a strong ground as to the existence of certain activities of the academia or institutional operations, it cannot be denied that the rising brain drain at the university level due to this brouhaha is causing intellectual death and sickness in the university sector. If we do not know whom to sing our dirges to, we should prepare ourselves for this increasing intellectual death.

Unfortunately, as the system dies, those within it are dying too. On July 8, 2022, the Ambrose Alli University chapter of the ASUU claimed that the university had lost ten lecturers that month, five months into the strike.

Also, on September 26, 2022, it was reported that 21 lecturers, including professors, and other non-academic staff of the University of Calabar, lost their lives. Many still alive have resorted to other ways of surviving, selling belongings and petty trading. On September 13, 2022, it was reported that a University of Maiduguri lecturer, Dr. Othman Abubakar, from the Department of English, decided to sell his library at any price. Abubakar was convinced that nothing was left in academia after the gradual “destruction of the university system” and the “insensitive” starvation of lecturers. Abubakar’s statements made me cringe, and to make it worse, some individuals have started calling for aid for lecturers like they were some castaways. It should also not be forgotten that the government implemented a “no work, no pay policy” for striking lecturers to make them give in to pressure. Starvation has become a wicked weapon to test the integrity of the intellectuals; even in war, starvation is not a noble strategy. So, I sing a dirge to the lost souls and the purpose of the Nigerian intellectuals.

I sing yet another dirge to the simultaneous effects of this strike on the university students who have become the primary victims. While intellectual death among the lecturers is overwhelming, the students also lose their lives. On March 8, 2022, it was reported that Henry Ehis, a 300-level student of the University of Jos, committed suicide due to frustration from the unending strike. Rachael Opadele, a final year student of the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, took a part-time job in a hotel because of the strike, was kidnapped in the same hotel, and killed afterwards in August 2022. Many other students have been killed by unfortunate events that would have been prevented if they had been in school.

Another dirge is to the death of the minds of the Nigerian students caused by increasing drug abuse made worse by these strikes. Logically, thousands of students who have been denied access to education, which formed their primary source of engagement, would be vulnerable to acts like drug abuse. In other words, there is often a considerable risk of drug abuse among students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria, and the disengagement from academic activities exposes them to even greater risk. Governor Godwin Obaseki, the Edo State Governor, on May 13, 2022, lamented the increasing rate of drug consumption in the state after ASUU embarked on strike, noting that drug abuse has become the second problem of the Edo State government. Likewise, in June 2022, Senator Douye Diri, the Bayelsa State governor, confirmed that increased drug abuse amounted to increased criminal activities in the state.

On August 19, 2021, the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) revealed that about 40 per cent of the Nigerian youth, which forms the majority of the university students, are “deeply involved in drug abuse.” Also, on February 22, 2021, the NDLEA, through its Chairman, Buba Marwa, stated that drug abuse accounts for and influences about 90 per cent of crimes in Nigeria. Since the majority of students in the university are youths, there is a tendency for drug abuse among them. The psychological and physical effects of drug abuse are dangers the nation cannot afford. It is a pronouncement of an end to the academic endeavour of individuals, either directly or indirectly.

Moreover, there is a strong and direct link between drug abuse and criminal tendencies. Given the above positions and facts, it is only logical to be concerned about the consequences of students’ disengagement and idleness due to ongoing strike actions. And though different universities in the country have developed anti-drug abuse schemes to put drug abuse in check; however, closing these schools makes the programs inefficient.

Then I sing a dirge to the death of ambition and purposes in the frustrating waits of the Nigerian students. Many students get their purposes and ambitions crippled by life-changing incidents during the schools’ shutdown. Equally, the prolonged and delayed educational period caused by unpredictable ASUU strikes reduces the employability rate and loss of certain opportunities, killing dreams and purposes, particularly because the delay causes many students to graduate above the entry age of many employment requirements.

I sing this dirge to Nigeria’s dying future, which the government is ignorantly killing. Education is the hope of a progressive future for any nation, and research is the tool it uses to chart its successes. The intellectual capacity of a nation is a projection of how far it will grow in the future and its position in global discussions. Innovations and developmental discoveries are the results of dedicated research and efforts. A war or affront against the intellectual bloc of the nation is a risk of a negative expectation for the nation’s future. Human resources development is pivotal to any nation that wishes to develop, but with the above incidences, one would doubt if Nigeria considers development important.

Where there is value, there is respect and care, and it seems the value given to education by the nation reflects in the management of the industrial crisis in academia. Where workers at factories strike, the company is forced to react, as it stands to lose products and profits within the period. In this instance, the products are of value, and for their sake, the company finds a solution to the problem within a limited time. Taking the company as Nigeria, the workers as the lecturers, and the students as the products, it seems that the nation does not value the students enough to be motivated to a quick resolution with the academia.

I sing a dirge to the death of a nation, its intellectuals, and the pillars of its future, the students.

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Opinion

The National Consensus On Our Fate

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon

By Toyin Falola

Nigeria celebrates its independence on October 1 every year. In his Independence Day speech, Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu proposed convening a Confab of young men and women to discuss the country’s problems. We now need 30 days of discussion! Well, let them enjoy the free food and hotel rooms and tell us what we do not already know. From the farmers in the villages to the tech gurus in the cities, we all know where the shoe pinches us.

During this year’s Independence Day, some citizens took to the streets to protest the daily sufferings they encounter as Nigerians. Also as part of his speech while addressing the nation, Tinubu promised to implement measures to reduce the high cost of living and address persistent food inflation in the country. Currently, a litre of fuel sells for around N900, contributing to an increment in transportation fares and, more importantly, a lower standard of living. Sadly, Nigerians have developed a thick skin in response to these challenges. A day after his Independence Day speech, Tinubu flew out of the country for two weeks, allegedly for a vacation. He must have worked so hard to resolve the problems he left behind.

Before Tinubu was sworn in as Nigeria’s President, insecurity was a major issue hindering the country’s development and the safety of the people. Goodluck Jonathan’s era was notorious for the Boko Haram killings, while the invasion of farms and settlements by Fulani herdsmen marred the Buhari administration, subjecting citizens to immense torture. Under the present administration, there have been increased cases of banditry and kidnapping. Despite the campaign manifesto and promises made by Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC), statistics show that there have been no significant changes since he became President. According to SBM Intelligence, over 600 people were killed within his 45 days in office. The International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR) also reported the kidnapping of about 100 students in a town in Kaduna, as well as the killing of 13 soldiers in Bomadi Local Government.

Every democratic nation prioritizes the safety of its citizens because, as they say, power resides in the people. It is, therefore, important for every responsible government to make security its top priority. According to a report by Premium Times in May 2024, Tinubu’s first year in office saw the death of 4,500 Nigerians and the kidnapping of 7,000. These statistics show that the country’s security challenge has worsened.

While insurgency and banditry torment them in the North, cultism, militancy, and other vices plague the South. Last year in Plateau State, more than 100 residents were murdered on Christmas Eve. All of these are terror incidents that should happen to no one. At this point, saying Nigeria is a battleground may just be an understatement. Or how do you describe a country that sucks the blood of its citizens? One key promise made by Tinubu was to tackle corruption when he got to power. Perhaps he wanted to demonstrate this when he suspended Beta Edu, Nigeria’s Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, who was accused of diverting public funds into a private account. Ironically, however, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has taken President Tinubu’s administration to court over a $3.4 billion loan Nigeria obtained from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The incumbent administration has been unable to account for this loan, prompting SERAP to file a lawsuit against the President and his team. When Tinubu said he would fight corruption, the question we should have asked is: “Can a corrupt man fight corruption?” To keep the market clean, sanitation must begin at home. No one can live in filth and expect applause for giving a speech on cleanliness.

Earlier this year, Business Day reported that the number of Nigerians living in hunger and extreme poverty is increasing by the day. Aside from lacking basic amenities like electricity and water, many citizens cannot comfortably afford the three main meals of the day. The country’s economic situation has worsened compared to the previous administration. “May we not have a better yesterday” is a common prayer in Nigeria, but maybe we are not attentive, as the current realities contradict that prayer. Jonathan was an improvement over Buhari, and now Buhari is seen as an improvement over Tinubu.

Vanguard also reported a multi-billion-dollar corruption that happened during Buhari’s administration, revealing that some of his allies became exceedingly wealthy at the expense of the national treasury. Billions of dollars were reportedly siphoned to enrich a few minorities, yet President Tinubu has not considered it important to investigate this corrupt act.

President Tinubu’s removal of fuel subsidies stands out as one of his greatest mistakes since he assumed office. However, he has remained nonchalant about the accompanying challenges, claiming that removing subsidies will free up budgetary resources for investments in infrastructure and social welfare. He boasts of it as a courageous move to restore the nation’s dwindling economy.

With all these issues, as well as the economic hardship that Nigerians face in their day-to-day activities, the presidency spent a whopping $100 million on a new presidential jet. This is a glaring case of misplaced priority, especially in a country where citizens cannot afford necessities.

Another example of a misplaced priority was the re-adoption of the old National Anthem earlier this year. In a country like Nigeria, where the people’s trust is perpetually betrayed, how do you convince hungry and frustrated citizens to sing the National Anthem? The eagle on the Nigerian coat of arms stands for strength, but these days, I feel like what was once a symbol of power is barely hanging on, just like the rest of Nigerians, hoping not to be toppled by the next wave of hardship.

According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s poverty rate was estimated at 38.9% in 2023, making the country the world’s second-largest impoverished population. Also, the country’s record of corruption remains concerning, ranking 145th out of 180 on the corruption index, despite the existence of institutions like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC).

Tinubu’s administration has been tagged a season of inflation, as the naira keeps falling like ripen oranges from a tree. The President’s decision to float the naira has sparked one of the most controversial economic policies in recent times. Regardless of the purpose, this decision has serious adverse effects on the economy and the citizenry. As of today, a dollar is equal to 1,668 Nigerian naira. This abnormal depreciation of the country’s legal tender has led to a constant rise in the cost of imported goods.

If Nigeria aims to tackle its current challenges and renounce the crown of being the poverty capital of the world, the government must shift its focus from only crude oil to other sectors like agriculture and manufacturing. This will create more jobs and help stabilise the economy. The government can foster entrepreneurship among the youth by providing training and financial support, while also improving the quality of both formal and vocational education.

Likewise, institutions like the EFCC and ICPC, which were established to combat corruption and insecurity, need thorough reorientation. These agencies should be empowered to carry out their responsibilities without fear or interference. To improve security, there must be a collaboration between security forces and rural communities, with peace-building initiatives actively promoted.

Importantly, too, corruption within the paramilitary and armed forces must be checked. Only through a comprehensive and unified effort can Nigeria hope to reclaim its glory and build a safer and more prosperous future for the generations to come.

PS: This piece was written on October 1, 2024, to respond to some questions posed to me about Nigeria’s 64th independence anniversary.

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Nigeria @ 64: New Old National Anthem As Our Heritage Of National Unity

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Patricia Adenike Balogun

By Patricia Adenike Balogun

The day I learnt that Nigerians had returned to singing “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” as its National Anthem instead of “Arise, O Compatriots” was one of my favourite moments as a Nigerian.

During my formative years, I recall reciting the National Anthem (“Nigeria, We Hail Thee”) at school assemblies until it was modified in 1978. Although I didn’t fully comprehend its meaning or intent at the time, the composition and wordings resonated with me in unanticipated ways. In 1978, Nigeria chose “Arise, O Compatriots” as its new national song, and society continued onwards.

The reintroduction of the ancient hymn “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” on May 29, 2024, after President Bola Tinubu signed into law a motion passed by the National Assembly was a joyful déjà vu. I’ve sung the song to myself several times, declaring its words as a prayer for Nigeria long before it was readopted.

With enthusiasm, I looked up the Nigerian Independence Day anthem.

Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land,

Though tribes and tongues may differ, in brotherhood we stand

Nigerians all, and proud to serve our sovereign Motherland.

Our flag shall be a symbol that truth and justice reign,

In peace or battle honoured, and this we count as gain,

To hand on to our children a banner without stain.

O God of all creation, grant this our one request:

Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,

And so with peace and plenty Nigerians may be blessed.

According to Wikipedia’s definition, the National Anthem serves as a reminder of the country’s rich heritage and splendour, as well as an expression of its people’s patriotism and pride.

Here is my perspective summarising Nigeria’s National Anthem.

• History: “Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land” highlights Nigeria’s rich historical heritage, from before colonial times with powerful empires such as the Benin Kingdom, Oyo Empire and Kanem-Bornu Empire, to the era of colonisation under British administration. It represents our struggle for self-determination, which resulted in the emergence of an independent country free of colonialism.

• Culture: “Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand” emphasises Nigeria’s own cultural identity, whereby diversity is valued. Nigeria has about 250 ethnic groups, each with its own language, traditions, and customs. The anthem’s reference to “tribes and tongues” refers to our diverse society, wherein the integration of many cultures strengthens our country’s social framework.

• Religion: “O God of all creation, grant this our one request” means that Nigeria is an extremely religious nation, with Islam, Christianity, and traditional African religions all significantly contributing to the country’s identity. Nigeria’s vibrant spiritual base is recognised in the anthem, which acknowledges God as the Creator. The influence of religion is apparent in every aspect of Nigerian life, including politics and daily interactions. The anthem’s appeal to divine guidance demonstrates the unifying power of religious faith among Nigerians, despite the country’s division into Muslim-majority North, Christian-majority South, and indigenous beliefs. This encourages Nigerians to seek divine support in our collective national journey, as the anthem carefully portrays religion as one of our binding forces.

• Patriotism: “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed” is the section in which the anthem expresses our aspiration for a society that values freedom, justice, and equal opportunity for every citizen. This is a call to action for justice, equality, and an end to all injustices.

• Unity and National Identity: “And so with peace and plenty, Nigeria may be blessed.” Despite our struggles, our national identity is anchored in our desire for togetherness and growth. The National Anthem asks for unity among our people and echoes the idea of Nigeria as a light of hope and promise in Africa. Our National Anthem encapsulates the optimism and faith in Nigeria’s future, which can be translated into national prosperity through our abundant natural resources, human capital, and resilience. The vision of unity is indicative of our nation’s ongoing efforts to achieve progress and unity in the face of economic, political, and ethnic challenges.

The complex nature of Nigeria as a country, with its rich tapestry of history, culture, and values, is exemplified by the now-former anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey.” The people of Nigeria remain steadfast in their patriotism and optimism for a brighter future. It serves as a reminder that Nigeria’s history has been influenced by hard efforts for unity, sovereignty, and growth. It recognises the historical sacrifices made by our freedom struggle leaders, including Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, and Obafemi Awolowo, who advocated for Nigeria’s Independence and growth. It also demonstrates Nigerians’ deeply religious character, as we seek divine guidance in our daily affairs and national aspirations.

Readopting the anthem “Nigeria, we hail thee, Our own dear native land” demonstrates Nigerians’ deep bond with their country. The themes of togetherness, peace, fraternity, and service, with a prayerful ending, are critical components of reforming values and culture among people in our social, economic, and political environments. The concluding spiritual anthem represented the many religious beliefs of Nigerians, regardless of their ethnicity. Nigeria is a religiously diverse country, as seen by the anthem’s respectful tone towards all Nigerians. It expresses the concept of unity in variety, with the notion that, despite variations in ethnicity, language, and culture, we Nigerians value our nation and stand together in brotherhood.

Despite the challenges presented by our complex diversity, we are filled with hope for unity and progress. Each ethnic group—whether it is the Yoruba’s rich cultural heritage, the Igbo’s artistry, the Hausa-Fulani’s agricultural roots, or the traditions of the minority groups—adds to the fabric of Nigerian culture. In this time of economic crisis and social instability, our anthem’s words, “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,” convey a strong sense of belief in justice and equality, a cry for fairness and inclusion that is much needed in Nigeria today.

As a religiously diverse nation, declaring our spiritual National Anthem on each day would assist in fostering hope for prosperity, peace, and unity in Nigeria, a virtue valued at this time of economic hardship and insecurity. The richness of our diversity is depicted through the lens of our national song “Nigeria, We Hail Thee,” as does our unified yearning for national unity and prosperity. Our national song celebrates our dynamic history, deep cultural roots, religious variety, and unwavering patriotism of our people. We value our diversity while calling for unity, justice, and a future in which Nigeria flourishes on its strengths to build a peaceful and prosperous nation for everyone.

As we commemorate Nigeria’s 64th year of Independence, citizen reorientation and positive engagement are critical in our efforts to achieve our potential as a great and powerful country in the world. We must work together in unity and peace to make Nigeria’s future brighter for all citizens and future generations.

Happy Independence to All Nigerians

Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria!

Balogun wrote from the United Kingdom.

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Opinion

UN And Missing Link In Protection Of Persons With Albinism In Africa

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

As the commemorative decade of the United Nations’ resolution establishing the independent expert on the rights of persons with albinism approaches, it is pertinent to review the progress made. It is important to draw attention to gaps and limitations in the existing approach to end attacks and other violations targeting persons with albinism. One must commend the UN for the resolution and the appointment of an independent expert on the rights of people with albinism in 2015. This step signifies a demonstration of political will and commitment to ending stigma, discrimination, and violence against people with albinism. It indicates that the world can rally together against a common threat to human well being.

However, I have had the opportunity of attending meetings and conferences in Geneva and recently in Lancaster where stakeholders from across the world discussed ways to address this problem. I have noticed some missing links in the approach to the issue. And I worry that if these limitations are not addressed the resolution will not achieve the desired goals. At these meetings and conferences, campaigners highlighted pertinent aspects of the problem. They explained the misconceptions about albinism, that it was a noncontagious, and genetically inherited condition. That albinism affected people regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or belief.

Campaigners also noted some health risks that people with albinism run including deadly skin cancer. They provided statistics on attacks and killings of people with albinism in various countries, mainly African countries such as Tanzania, and Malawi. They provided graphic images of victims and survivors, and the costs of body parts of people living with albinism.

Campaigners explained efforts that state and nonstate agencies had made in addressing the problem like arresting and prosecuting attackers, and killers, providing sunglasses and other medical supplies. And that’s usually it.

From my observation at these meetings, the approach to ending abuses of people living with albinism is Eurocentric and fundamentally flawed. This approach is hurting the campaign. Unless efforts are made to rectify the imbalance, I submit that the desired objective of this resolution will not be realized. The attacks and killing of people with albinism will continue. Why do I say so?

In all the events that I have attended, campaigners tried to emphasize the need not to call people living with albinism, albinos. They noted that the term albino was derogatory and reduced the individuals, or defined them by nothing more than their skin condition. I agree that derogatory terms should not be used in describing people with albinism. But my question to these campaigners is this: How many people in rural communities in Africa where these killings and attacks take place speak English? How many Africans know or are aware that people with albinism are called albinos? How many people know the distinction between albino and people with albinism? People across Africa call persons with albinism local names; they use non-English terms to describe them. At a meeting in Lancaster, panelists from Tanzania told attendees that miners and fishermen in some towns perpetrated these killings and attacks. Now, how many of these miners and fishermen in Tanzania call people with albinism albinos? So the campaign to not call people with albinism albinos is for who? The non-English speaking attackers and perpetrators in Africa, or where?

In Nigeria, people call persons living with albinism by various names including Oyibo, which means a white person. Others refer to them using slangs that mean ‘yellowish skinned persons’, which is indeed derogatory. Yes, it is important to urge people not to use demeaning terms in describing people with albinism whether in English or in any other language. But is the name that people call persons with albinism the main issue? Of course not.

The main problem is the misconception about the skin or bodies of persons with albinism. Similar misconceptions exist about the people with a hunchback or in some places, a bald head. Unless these misconceptions are dispelled and the misinformation corrected, those campaigning against attacks and violations targeting people with albinism are only papering over the problem. They are executing a superficial program. At meetings and conferences that I have attended, speakers and presenters did a good job of describing the situation and explaining how perceptions and beliefs about the skin of people with albinism motivated attacks and killings. But something was missing. They refused to take a position regarding these beliefs and perceptions. They refused to highlight them as mistaken ideas. These meetings and conferences failed to provide necessary leadership and guidance. And when confronted, presenters and campaigners made excuses. Some said they were only researchers, not activists. But wait a moment, some of these people were from affected countries and regions. How does being a researcher or an academic stop them from taking a position on the issue?

Others especially those from Europe or America said they did not want to be accused of racism or neocolonialism. They did not want to be accused of imposing their ideas on Africans. Interesting. Now the question is: Why get involved? Why prosecute a campaign when one is not ready to provide the necessary leadership and guide? Why spend money and time holding conferences and meetings if one does not want to take a position or make such a position public? During the pandemic, the World Health Organisation did not spend time convening meetings and describing misconceptions about COVID-19. It issued statements. The WHO dispelled misinformation and disinformation about COVID-19. It called out violators. The WHO provided leadership and guidance to people, governments, and institutions across the globe. The UN and other campaigners should do the same thing in the case of protecting persons living with albinism. They should tackle the problem at its roots. They should stop papering over the issue. Campaigners should treat the killing of people with albinism with the urgency that it deserves. They should not hold back any information, position, or proposition that could help the cause.

The UN and other agencies should devote significant resources to educating the public, not to organizing meetings and conferences that say and repeat the same thing year after year. They should prosecute public enlightenment campaigns that correct the misconceptions and misinformation about the skin or body parts of people with albinism.

The UN and other stakeholders should supply the missing link, the informational and conceptual missing link in this campaign. They should make it categorically clear that the belief that the sacrifice of the skin or body parts of people with albinism will bring luck, wealth, money, or success is a baseless superstition that people should abandon and discard. Campaigners should not mince words in making this declaration, and in taking this important message to communities and countries where the attacks and killings take place.

Advocates, campaigners, scholars, and activists in Africa should help the UN and other international bodies supply this missing link and fulfill this crucial role and responsibility. They should ensure more robust campaigns and effective outcomes in the next decade of the resolution.

Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches, which campaigns to end abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks in Africa.

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