Opinion
Conversations With Professor Ademola Dasylva: Biography, Spirituality, Activism And Scholarship
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
I borrowed the title of this piece from the 146-page book edited by a pentad: Sola Olorunyomi, Olutoyin Jegede, Mobolanle Sotunsa, Rotimi Fasan, and Adedoyin Aguoru. A squad of five, not playing basketball, but constituting themselves into a franchise with an unpatented name: DST-Collective. I thought DST stood for the Demolition Squad Team, but it means the Dasylva Supervisee Team. I congratulate the lustrum for an illustrious project. This rich book includes oral interviews on various aspects of Dasylva’s life, tributes from about twenty doctoral supervisees, and miscellaneous. The book presentation will be on October 27, 2022, at the University of Ibadan.
I enjoyed reading the book, and I am offering this reflection in broad strokes, adding to the spirit behind the innovative ideas of the pentagon. One of the most vital questions in metaphysics is whether humans are predestined by an unguided supernatural and supreme force, and try as metaphysicians might explore the depth of questions like “Why are we here?” and “Do we have a purpose?” they have not been able to satisfactorily answer any of them. Perhaps, the acceptable answer to such questions is subjective and highly personal — only able to be manifested through the lived experiences of every person.
If individuals lived experiences define existence and purpose, then this cinquefoil’s undertaking to create a collective of purpose-defining knowledge on the life of one of the most purpose-driven people I have ever known is not a coincidence. Prof. Ademola Dasylva’s life has been defined by stellar academic and professional commitment, an unwavering spiritual stance, and a drive to give back to society; thus, it is only worth it that we all have come together — whether friends, colleagues, students, supervisees, or family members — to appreciate and celebrate him. Since I have known him, Dasylva’s loyalty, trust, commitment, and perspective on issues have only endeared him to me more in a relationship that has transcended the borders of what we often define as friendship. He is a principled man whose beliefs form the basis of his existence and relationship with others, and I cannot begin to count the many instances where we have had such soul-lifting conversations.
READ ALSO: Professor Ademola Dasylva At 70: A Labourer In The Vineyard
Friends like Dasylva are valuable and worthy to be celebrated, which is why I find the book curated by the pentagram among his past supervisees, titled, Conversations with Professor Ademola Omobewaji Dasylva: Biography, Spirituality, Activism, Scholarship, a worthy undertaking. In its three parts, the DST quintuplicate explores the biography and spiritual origins of a life saddled with intense social activism and scholarship that lays the intellectual bedrock of the life of Ademola Omobewaji Dasylva, a Professor of African Literature, Oral Poetics, and Performance, —a life that has served as the foundation for the lives and careers of many others.
The first part is the transcription of a thorough oral interview that the quinquennium DST-Collective had with the celebrant, a decision that appreciates the connection this scholar has to orality and oral performances in literature. The second part, which continues to tell the unique story that defines this eminent scholar’s life, purpose, and achievements, alludes to academic scholarship and is an exchange of written questions and answers between the team and the interviewee. In the last part, there is an emotional outpouring from Dasylva’s past doctoral supervisees, self-branded as Dasylvites, and wonderfully so. This could only have been made possible due to the commitment to excellence on the part of the supervisor, who went beyond the boundaries or provisions of the few years that each of those doctoral programs lasted. And decades later, these students are not only in touch with the one who guided them through the dreary academic path, but they are also successful and accomplished people who relate a chunk of their success to this man whom we celebrate on this auspicious occasion. There is love, awe, appreciation, and respect, and on Dasylva’s part, there is bound to be love, pride, fulfillment, and satisfaction.
Dasylva, the focus of this festschrift, has been actively involved in the practice of culture and the teaching of literature for many years. It should not come as a complete surprise that he is most recognized for his scholarship and scholarly pursuits, given his lengthy relationship with the organic realm of the mind. He has rightfully ascended the teaching levels from Oyo State College of Arts and Science (OSCAS), through to the Adeyemi College of Education (ACE), to the prestigious position of professor at the University of Ibadan, an institution where he has served in several capacities, including as the Dean of the Faculty of Arts.
This all-encompassing book, which embodies the most important things to Dasylva — spirituality, activism, family, and scholarship — begins with a first-hand narration of the celebrant’s biography. Born Anthony Michael Sylva to ardent Catholic civil servant parents in Ilesa, Omobewaji attended St. Mary’s Catholic Primary School in Ifofin, Ilesa, then proceeded to the Lady and St. Kizito Minor Seminary, Ede, for his secondary school education. Incidentally, he lost his Catholic faith in the same institution, but ultimately not his faith in God.
As significant as Dasylva’s scholarship is, so are his affiliative characteristics, which have molded and left their marks on his life. However, in this book, the DST-Collective has made a frantic effort to chronicle the inception of his spirituality, his conception and understanding of God, life, and man’s purpose in the universe, as well as his attitude toward organized or unorganized religion. God’s love for this brilliant academic can be traced to his birth and the circumstances surrounding it. It is, therefore, of little surprise that the Dasylva we know today is a deeply religious man who had meant his life to go in a direction other than the turn it initially took in his early adulthood until fate, again, steered him back to his predestined course. His time as a student in the minor seminary effectively shaped his philosophy, life direction, and enduring belief in God. It is impossible to understand the life’s work of this intellectual giant without finding the enormous space that God occupies, especially as documented in this book.
Dasylva is an exemplary social-conscious activist with evidential and enviable feats and records. Again, the minor seminary is a striking point as it is the original starting point of his activism. From standing up to bullies, leading a revolt against oppressive white priests, rightly demanding improvement in lecturers’ welfare in colleges across Nigeria, to joining the quest for the enthronement of democracy in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In scholarship, Dasylva has distinguished himself in the intellectual circle of African oral literature, oral poetry, and performance, with an extensive body of work in both local and international journals.
The DST-Collective meticulously laid out the extensive body of knowledge produced by Dasylva, especially in the postscripts. His theoretical conceptualization of the Yoruba philosophy of ọmọlúwàbí and “Oral Literature and the Problem of Ambivalence” are some of the few examples of work highlighted in this book. According to him, “throughout my academic career, I have advocated for using homegrown African epistemologies and theories. I believe Africa is rich and African literature is old enough to evolve its own body of theories; in particular, the deployment of African ontologies, cultural concepts, and cultural principles to engage critical textual, verbal, non-verbal, etc., analysis and analysis and interpretations.”
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Significantly, Dasylva’s works are geared towards finding African solutions to African problems, which is uncommon for academics to embody the core principle that defines their field. The book contains several of Dasylva’s works as they relate to teaching, research, and community services. Nothing symbolizes and captures all three more than a team of his former supervisees who rallied to celebrate a living icon. Needless to say, this is a well-lived life, both personally and professionally. When asked about his core ideology and belief, Dasylva was unequivocal about his belief in God and also stressed the point of his humanist side without contradiction. This is correct because believing in God is trusting His work, the chief of which is human, and humanism, according to Dasylva, is an extension of God.
Ultimately, Conversations with Professor Ademola Omobewaji Dasylva: Biography, Spirituality, Activism, Scholarship succinctly captures a life full of intrigues and miraculous events. Beyond celebrating a scholar, it is a book that will serve the younger generations to form personal convictions on what it means to live for something greater than oneself. In 146 pages, this detailed collective serves the satisfaction of all types of readers, regardless of their relationship with the celebrant — whether they are literature professors who appreciate his academic work, historians who revel in the richness of his biography, or current students who bask in the antiqueness of the old images and tales.
In a world where the Yoruba maxim, “eniyàn l’ aṣọ mi” (humans — friends — are the clothes that cover my nakedness and protect my dignity and honor) is true, Ademola Omobewaji Dasylva is, for many of us, a thick fold of woolen blanket, warm, big, and encompassing enough to cover us and reassure us that we have a friend and a true one at that. Congratulations again, my beloved friend, on the occasion of your 70th birthday and retirement, and big ups to our quintette, alias the Dasylva Supervisee Team, for the amazing work done to birth this impressive collective.
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Toyin Falola
Nigeria celebrates its independence on October 1 every year. In his Independence Day speech, Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu proposed convening a Confab of young men and women to discuss the country’s problems. We now need 30 days of discussion! Well, let them enjoy the free food and hotel rooms and tell us what we do not already know. From the farmers in the villages to the tech gurus in the cities, we all know where the shoe pinches us.
During this year’s Independence Day, some citizens took to the streets to protest the daily sufferings they encounter as Nigerians. Also as part of his speech while addressing the nation, Tinubu promised to implement measures to reduce the high cost of living and address persistent food inflation in the country. Currently, a litre of fuel sells for around N900, contributing to an increment in transportation fares and, more importantly, a lower standard of living. Sadly, Nigerians have developed a thick skin in response to these challenges. A day after his Independence Day speech, Tinubu flew out of the country for two weeks, allegedly for a vacation. He must have worked so hard to resolve the problems he left behind.
Before Tinubu was sworn in as Nigeria’s President, insecurity was a major issue hindering the country’s development and the safety of the people. Goodluck Jonathan’s era was notorious for the Boko Haram killings, while the invasion of farms and settlements by Fulani herdsmen marred the Buhari administration, subjecting citizens to immense torture. Under the present administration, there have been increased cases of banditry and kidnapping. Despite the campaign manifesto and promises made by Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC), statistics show that there have been no significant changes since he became President. According to SBM Intelligence, over 600 people were killed within his 45 days in office. The International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR) also reported the kidnapping of about 100 students in a town in Kaduna, as well as the killing of 13 soldiers in Bomadi Local Government.
Every democratic nation prioritizes the safety of its citizens because, as they say, power resides in the people. It is, therefore, important for every responsible government to make security its top priority. According to a report by Premium Times in May 2024, Tinubu’s first year in office saw the death of 4,500 Nigerians and the kidnapping of 7,000. These statistics show that the country’s security challenge has worsened.
While insurgency and banditry torment them in the North, cultism, militancy, and other vices plague the South. Last year in Plateau State, more than 100 residents were murdered on Christmas Eve. All of these are terror incidents that should happen to no one. At this point, saying Nigeria is a battleground may just be an understatement. Or how do you describe a country that sucks the blood of its citizens? One key promise made by Tinubu was to tackle corruption when he got to power. Perhaps he wanted to demonstrate this when he suspended Beta Edu, Nigeria’s Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, who was accused of diverting public funds into a private account. Ironically, however, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has taken President Tinubu’s administration to court over a $3.4 billion loan Nigeria obtained from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The incumbent administration has been unable to account for this loan, prompting SERAP to file a lawsuit against the President and his team. When Tinubu said he would fight corruption, the question we should have asked is: “Can a corrupt man fight corruption?” To keep the market clean, sanitation must begin at home. No one can live in filth and expect applause for giving a speech on cleanliness.
Earlier this year, Business Day reported that the number of Nigerians living in hunger and extreme poverty is increasing by the day. Aside from lacking basic amenities like electricity and water, many citizens cannot comfortably afford the three main meals of the day. The country’s economic situation has worsened compared to the previous administration. “May we not have a better yesterday” is a common prayer in Nigeria, but maybe we are not attentive, as the current realities contradict that prayer. Jonathan was an improvement over Buhari, and now Buhari is seen as an improvement over Tinubu.
Vanguard also reported a multi-billion-dollar corruption that happened during Buhari’s administration, revealing that some of his allies became exceedingly wealthy at the expense of the national treasury. Billions of dollars were reportedly siphoned to enrich a few minorities, yet President Tinubu has not considered it important to investigate this corrupt act.
President Tinubu’s removal of fuel subsidies stands out as one of his greatest mistakes since he assumed office. However, he has remained nonchalant about the accompanying challenges, claiming that removing subsidies will free up budgetary resources for investments in infrastructure and social welfare. He boasts of it as a courageous move to restore the nation’s dwindling economy.
With all these issues, as well as the economic hardship that Nigerians face in their day-to-day activities, the presidency spent a whopping $100 million on a new presidential jet. This is a glaring case of misplaced priority, especially in a country where citizens cannot afford necessities.
Another example of a misplaced priority was the re-adoption of the old National Anthem earlier this year. In a country like Nigeria, where the people’s trust is perpetually betrayed, how do you convince hungry and frustrated citizens to sing the National Anthem? The eagle on the Nigerian coat of arms stands for strength, but these days, I feel like what was once a symbol of power is barely hanging on, just like the rest of Nigerians, hoping not to be toppled by the next wave of hardship.
According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s poverty rate was estimated at 38.9% in 2023, making the country the world’s second-largest impoverished population. Also, the country’s record of corruption remains concerning, ranking 145th out of 180 on the corruption index, despite the existence of institutions like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC).
Tinubu’s administration has been tagged a season of inflation, as the naira keeps falling like ripen oranges from a tree. The President’s decision to float the naira has sparked one of the most controversial economic policies in recent times. Regardless of the purpose, this decision has serious adverse effects on the economy and the citizenry. As of today, a dollar is equal to 1,668 Nigerian naira. This abnormal depreciation of the country’s legal tender has led to a constant rise in the cost of imported goods.
If Nigeria aims to tackle its current challenges and renounce the crown of being the poverty capital of the world, the government must shift its focus from only crude oil to other sectors like agriculture and manufacturing. This will create more jobs and help stabilise the economy. The government can foster entrepreneurship among the youth by providing training and financial support, while also improving the quality of both formal and vocational education.
Likewise, institutions like the EFCC and ICPC, which were established to combat corruption and insecurity, need thorough reorientation. These agencies should be empowered to carry out their responsibilities without fear or interference. To improve security, there must be a collaboration between security forces and rural communities, with peace-building initiatives actively promoted.
Importantly, too, corruption within the paramilitary and armed forces must be checked. Only through a comprehensive and unified effort can Nigeria hope to reclaim its glory and build a safer and more prosperous future for the generations to come.
PS: This piece was written on October 1, 2024, to respond to some questions posed to me about Nigeria’s 64th independence anniversary.
Opinion
Nigeria @ 64: New Old National Anthem As Our Heritage Of National Unity
Published
19 hours agoon
October 4, 2024By Patricia Adenike Balogun
The day I learnt that Nigerians had returned to singing “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” as its National Anthem instead of “Arise, O Compatriots” was one of my favourite moments as a Nigerian.
During my formative years, I recall reciting the National Anthem (“Nigeria, We Hail Thee”) at school assemblies until it was modified in 1978. Although I didn’t fully comprehend its meaning or intent at the time, the composition and wordings resonated with me in unanticipated ways. In 1978, Nigeria chose “Arise, O Compatriots” as its new national song, and society continued onwards.
The reintroduction of the ancient hymn “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” on May 29, 2024, after President Bola Tinubu signed into law a motion passed by the National Assembly was a joyful déjà vu. I’ve sung the song to myself several times, declaring its words as a prayer for Nigeria long before it was readopted.
With enthusiasm, I looked up the Nigerian Independence Day anthem.
Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land,
Though tribes and tongues may differ, in brotherhood we stand
Nigerians all, and proud to serve our sovereign Motherland.
Our flag shall be a symbol that truth and justice reign,
In peace or battle honoured, and this we count as gain,
To hand on to our children a banner without stain.
O God of all creation, grant this our one request:
Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,
And so with peace and plenty Nigerians may be blessed.
According to Wikipedia’s definition, the National Anthem serves as a reminder of the country’s rich heritage and splendour, as well as an expression of its people’s patriotism and pride.
Here is my perspective summarising Nigeria’s National Anthem.
• History: “Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land” highlights Nigeria’s rich historical heritage, from before colonial times with powerful empires such as the Benin Kingdom, Oyo Empire and Kanem-Bornu Empire, to the era of colonisation under British administration. It represents our struggle for self-determination, which resulted in the emergence of an independent country free of colonialism.
• Culture: “Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand” emphasises Nigeria’s own cultural identity, whereby diversity is valued. Nigeria has about 250 ethnic groups, each with its own language, traditions, and customs. The anthem’s reference to “tribes and tongues” refers to our diverse society, wherein the integration of many cultures strengthens our country’s social framework.
• Religion: “O God of all creation, grant this our one request” means that Nigeria is an extremely religious nation, with Islam, Christianity, and traditional African religions all significantly contributing to the country’s identity. Nigeria’s vibrant spiritual base is recognised in the anthem, which acknowledges God as the Creator. The influence of religion is apparent in every aspect of Nigerian life, including politics and daily interactions. The anthem’s appeal to divine guidance demonstrates the unifying power of religious faith among Nigerians, despite the country’s division into Muslim-majority North, Christian-majority South, and indigenous beliefs. This encourages Nigerians to seek divine support in our collective national journey, as the anthem carefully portrays religion as one of our binding forces.
• Patriotism: “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed” is the section in which the anthem expresses our aspiration for a society that values freedom, justice, and equal opportunity for every citizen. This is a call to action for justice, equality, and an end to all injustices.
• Unity and National Identity: “And so with peace and plenty, Nigeria may be blessed.” Despite our struggles, our national identity is anchored in our desire for togetherness and growth. The National Anthem asks for unity among our people and echoes the idea of Nigeria as a light of hope and promise in Africa. Our National Anthem encapsulates the optimism and faith in Nigeria’s future, which can be translated into national prosperity through our abundant natural resources, human capital, and resilience. The vision of unity is indicative of our nation’s ongoing efforts to achieve progress and unity in the face of economic, political, and ethnic challenges.
The complex nature of Nigeria as a country, with its rich tapestry of history, culture, and values, is exemplified by the now-former anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey.” The people of Nigeria remain steadfast in their patriotism and optimism for a brighter future. It serves as a reminder that Nigeria’s history has been influenced by hard efforts for unity, sovereignty, and growth. It recognises the historical sacrifices made by our freedom struggle leaders, including Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, and Obafemi Awolowo, who advocated for Nigeria’s Independence and growth. It also demonstrates Nigerians’ deeply religious character, as we seek divine guidance in our daily affairs and national aspirations.
Readopting the anthem “Nigeria, we hail thee, Our own dear native land” demonstrates Nigerians’ deep bond with their country. The themes of togetherness, peace, fraternity, and service, with a prayerful ending, are critical components of reforming values and culture among people in our social, economic, and political environments. The concluding spiritual anthem represented the many religious beliefs of Nigerians, regardless of their ethnicity. Nigeria is a religiously diverse country, as seen by the anthem’s respectful tone towards all Nigerians. It expresses the concept of unity in variety, with the notion that, despite variations in ethnicity, language, and culture, we Nigerians value our nation and stand together in brotherhood.
Despite the challenges presented by our complex diversity, we are filled with hope for unity and progress. Each ethnic group—whether it is the Yoruba’s rich cultural heritage, the Igbo’s artistry, the Hausa-Fulani’s agricultural roots, or the traditions of the minority groups—adds to the fabric of Nigerian culture. In this time of economic crisis and social instability, our anthem’s words, “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,” convey a strong sense of belief in justice and equality, a cry for fairness and inclusion that is much needed in Nigeria today.
As a religiously diverse nation, declaring our spiritual National Anthem on each day would assist in fostering hope for prosperity, peace, and unity in Nigeria, a virtue valued at this time of economic hardship and insecurity. The richness of our diversity is depicted through the lens of our national song “Nigeria, We Hail Thee,” as does our unified yearning for national unity and prosperity. Our national song celebrates our dynamic history, deep cultural roots, religious variety, and unwavering patriotism of our people. We value our diversity while calling for unity, justice, and a future in which Nigeria flourishes on its strengths to build a peaceful and prosperous nation for everyone.
As we commemorate Nigeria’s 64th year of Independence, citizen reorientation and positive engagement are critical in our efforts to achieve our potential as a great and powerful country in the world. We must work together in unity and peace to make Nigeria’s future brighter for all citizens and future generations.
Happy Independence to All Nigerians
Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria!
Balogun wrote from the United Kingdom.
Opinion
UN And Missing Link In Protection Of Persons With Albinism In Africa
Published
1 day agoon
October 3, 2024By Leo Igwe
As the commemorative decade of the United Nations’ resolution establishing the independent expert on the rights of persons with albinism approaches, it is pertinent to review the progress made. It is important to draw attention to gaps and limitations in the existing approach to end attacks and other violations targeting persons with albinism. One must commend the UN for the resolution and the appointment of an independent expert on the rights of people with albinism in 2015. This step signifies a demonstration of political will and commitment to ending stigma, discrimination, and violence against people with albinism. It indicates that the world can rally together against a common threat to human well being.
However, I have had the opportunity of attending meetings and conferences in Geneva and recently in Lancaster where stakeholders from across the world discussed ways to address this problem. I have noticed some missing links in the approach to the issue. And I worry that if these limitations are not addressed the resolution will not achieve the desired goals. At these meetings and conferences, campaigners highlighted pertinent aspects of the problem. They explained the misconceptions about albinism, that it was a noncontagious, and genetically inherited condition. That albinism affected people regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or belief.
Campaigners also noted some health risks that people with albinism run including deadly skin cancer. They provided statistics on attacks and killings of people with albinism in various countries, mainly African countries such as Tanzania, and Malawi. They provided graphic images of victims and survivors, and the costs of body parts of people living with albinism.
Campaigners explained efforts that state and nonstate agencies had made in addressing the problem like arresting and prosecuting attackers, and killers, providing sunglasses and other medical supplies. And that’s usually it.
From my observation at these meetings, the approach to ending abuses of people living with albinism is Eurocentric and fundamentally flawed. This approach is hurting the campaign. Unless efforts are made to rectify the imbalance, I submit that the desired objective of this resolution will not be realized. The attacks and killing of people with albinism will continue. Why do I say so?
In all the events that I have attended, campaigners tried to emphasize the need not to call people living with albinism, albinos. They noted that the term albino was derogatory and reduced the individuals, or defined them by nothing more than their skin condition. I agree that derogatory terms should not be used in describing people with albinism. But my question to these campaigners is this: How many people in rural communities in Africa where these killings and attacks take place speak English? How many Africans know or are aware that people with albinism are called albinos? How many people know the distinction between albino and people with albinism? People across Africa call persons with albinism local names; they use non-English terms to describe them. At a meeting in Lancaster, panelists from Tanzania told attendees that miners and fishermen in some towns perpetrated these killings and attacks. Now, how many of these miners and fishermen in Tanzania call people with albinism albinos? So the campaign to not call people with albinism albinos is for who? The non-English speaking attackers and perpetrators in Africa, or where?
In Nigeria, people call persons living with albinism by various names including Oyibo, which means a white person. Others refer to them using slangs that mean ‘yellowish skinned persons’, which is indeed derogatory. Yes, it is important to urge people not to use demeaning terms in describing people with albinism whether in English or in any other language. But is the name that people call persons with albinism the main issue? Of course not.
The main problem is the misconception about the skin or bodies of persons with albinism. Similar misconceptions exist about the people with a hunchback or in some places, a bald head. Unless these misconceptions are dispelled and the misinformation corrected, those campaigning against attacks and violations targeting people with albinism are only papering over the problem. They are executing a superficial program. At meetings and conferences that I have attended, speakers and presenters did a good job of describing the situation and explaining how perceptions and beliefs about the skin of people with albinism motivated attacks and killings. But something was missing. They refused to take a position regarding these beliefs and perceptions. They refused to highlight them as mistaken ideas. These meetings and conferences failed to provide necessary leadership and guidance. And when confronted, presenters and campaigners made excuses. Some said they were only researchers, not activists. But wait a moment, some of these people were from affected countries and regions. How does being a researcher or an academic stop them from taking a position on the issue?
Others especially those from Europe or America said they did not want to be accused of racism or neocolonialism. They did not want to be accused of imposing their ideas on Africans. Interesting. Now the question is: Why get involved? Why prosecute a campaign when one is not ready to provide the necessary leadership and guide? Why spend money and time holding conferences and meetings if one does not want to take a position or make such a position public? During the pandemic, the World Health Organisation did not spend time convening meetings and describing misconceptions about COVID-19. It issued statements. The WHO dispelled misinformation and disinformation about COVID-19. It called out violators. The WHO provided leadership and guidance to people, governments, and institutions across the globe. The UN and other campaigners should do the same thing in the case of protecting persons living with albinism. They should tackle the problem at its roots. They should stop papering over the issue. Campaigners should treat the killing of people with albinism with the urgency that it deserves. They should not hold back any information, position, or proposition that could help the cause.
The UN and other agencies should devote significant resources to educating the public, not to organizing meetings and conferences that say and repeat the same thing year after year. They should prosecute public enlightenment campaigns that correct the misconceptions and misinformation about the skin or body parts of people with albinism.
The UN and other stakeholders should supply the missing link, the informational and conceptual missing link in this campaign. They should make it categorically clear that the belief that the sacrifice of the skin or body parts of people with albinism will bring luck, wealth, money, or success is a baseless superstition that people should abandon and discard. Campaigners should not mince words in making this declaration, and in taking this important message to communities and countries where the attacks and killings take place.
Advocates, campaigners, scholars, and activists in Africa should help the UN and other international bodies supply this missing link and fulfill this crucial role and responsibility. They should ensure more robust campaigns and effective outcomes in the next decade of the resolution.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches, which campaigns to end abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks in Africa.
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