Opinion

The Yemisi Shyllon Museum Of Art: Reintroducing Africa In Modern African Art

Published

2 years ago

June 22, 2021

NewTimes

The Yemisi Shyllon Museum Of Art: Reintroducing Africa In Modern African Art

“Nkukere Aki (Palm Kernel Shell) Armor for the Giant of Africa” donated to the YSMA by Prof. Ozioma Onuzulike, Head of the Fine Art Department, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Courtesy of YSMA.

Toyin Falola

The Yemisi Shyllon Museum of Art (YSMA) and its extensive collection of traditional (antique) and modern art pieces—both African and foreign—represents an opportunity to create awareness and reintroduce art as a potent force for national reconstruction and transformation. The significance of the museum is also demonstrated by its unique position as the only such rich (private) collection of art made available to the public, especially in the face of the neglect and deterioration of existing centres (national museums) for the collection and preservation of the symbols of our national cultural heritage. The location of this “national resource” in an academic environment (the Pan Atlantic University) is most strategic. It will facilitate the museum’s vision to introduce and educate young people—through various youth engagement programmes—on the universality and versatility of art as a medium of communication, a source of inspiration and historical reconstruction, and as a symbol of social evolution and human creativity.

Walking through the museum, a young observant guest might wonder at the origins of the (different) art on display, especially contemporary art pieces that portray a blend in their subject, material, and form. Such an individual will be interested to know that this is an outcome of social evolution classified into stages based on the variance of their material cultures as reflected in their art subjects and forms. Also, that society is currently at the “commercial stage,” marked by increased cultural contact and exchange adequately captured by a blend of art cultures, producing a (modern) fusion. The current (Western-dominated) commercial stage in social evolution, recognized as having begun from the 15th century with the voyages of exploration, has been characterized by an intense race to assert cultural supremacy as justification for political domination and resource appropriation. In Africa, the initial appearance of mercantilist European nations on its southern shores meant the establishment of trade and diplomatic relations and the beginning of a gradual process of cultural exchange and influence. However, the decision by the more technologically advanced Europe to assert control over its “legitimate” trade with Africa as a means to guarantee unfettered access to its resources was followed by colonialism—a state of European socio-political and economic domination.

The 19th century western political, cultural, and economic hegemony in Africa was intellectually fostered through what is now known as “colonial historiography,” a body of knowledge based on a colonialist ideology that sought to establish western culture as the most advanced (supreme) and consequently renders the “Other” inferior. Thus, preparatory to and during colonialism, the African (south of the Sahara) saw every aspect of his existence—anatomy, psychology, philosophy, and agency—come under attack in the observation, analysis, and commentary of travellers/explorers, missionaries, colonial officials and intellectuals—anthropologists, sociologists, and historians—who sought to discredit, deny or demean everything (Black) African. To invoke Pentti Kanerva with reference to India:
…colonial historiography was part of an ideological effort to appropriate history as a means of establishing cultural hegemony and legitimising British rule…The basic idea embedded in the tradition of colonial historiography was the paradigm of a backward society’s progress towards the pattern of modern European civil and political society under the tutelage of the imperial power.

Figure 2: Artwork by Lanre Tejuosho, “made from discarded materials such as water sachets and packaging for food items such as salt, drinks and snacks.” Courtesy of YSMA.

In addition to the importance of establishing the validity or otherwise of these arguments in determining the extent to which African traditions and experiences have remained a major influence on the subject, technique, and form of African art in the “modern” era, there is also a need to provide a working definition of what the modern era connotes. This is important for situating our analysis within an ideal timeframe, one where the phenomenon of modern African art, which combines both African and Western art forms to produce an African hybrid under scrutiny, found expression. For Africa, this modern or contemporary era began with increased cultural contact between the continent and Europe. And if the 15th-century African coastal trade with the Portuguese marked the beginning of extensive cultural contact between Africa and Europe, the totalism of 19th and 20th-century European colonialism in Africa pushed the cultural relations to hegemonic levels. Thus, modernism here is linked with the growth of modernity in Africa, tied to colonialism and its modernization crusade.

As hinted above, “colonial historiography”—representative of a biased colonial ideology—was the tool deployed in the effort to demean and relegate the person (culture, tradition, and agency) of the African. Thus, the colonial education established to fulfill the colonial need for subordinate manpower initially paid no attention to African visual art as part of a tradition already written off as “primitive”. Moreover, as Chika Okeke-Agulu in his essay “Modern African Art” explains, “The notion of artistic freedom was antithetical to the ethos of colonialism.” “This notwithstanding,” continues Okeke-Agulu, “as colonialism made European material culture and ideas more available, artists from the colonies invented new artistic expressions that reflected Africa’s encounter with Europe and the rest of the globe”.

Art was not taught formally in the non-Islamic regions of Africa until the first decade of the 20th century and at the behest of educated Africans like Aina Onabolu (considered the region’s “first modern artist”), who impressed on the colonial administration in Lagos to introduce art courses to secondary schools. It was also a similar scenario in Islamic North Africa (Egypt, Algeria, Morocco) where, even with the substantial presence of Western artists—both visiting and settled—in what is known as the “Romantic era,” the colonial government did nothing to encourage the establishment of training. In Egypt, Prince Yusef Kamal, a politician, called for formal art education—the School of Fine Arts, Cairo, 1908. Furthermore, this forms one major reason the colonial or Western-style education is denied the originator of modern African art. Rather, as Chika Okeke-Agulu explains in “Modern African Art,” it is owed to “a few individuals to whom art as an autonomous practice became a medium for expressing their subjectivity and coming to terms with their sociopolitical circumstances—with their emergent modernities.”

Art in colonial Africa—in the pre-war years (before 1945)—became a vehicle for engaging the colonial establishment through sculptural and performance practices, which critiqued (with humor) the person of the colonialists—another evidence of African modern artistic expression outside Western education. The post-war period was also of remarkable significance to the development of modern African art. In reaction to the colonial government’s reluctance to establish art education, some African artists travelled to Europe for art training in European colleges, often on personal sponsorship. In Egypt and South Africa, art academies were in existence before the war. However, the racial situation in the South prevented the possibility of Black artists profiting from the institutional structures offered to their white counterparts. Some of South Africa’s pioneering (modern) Black artists, including Ernest Mancoba and Gerard Sekoto, were compelled to migrate to Europe to access such facilities. In Egypt and other parts of the Islamic North, the situation was slightly different. The departure of some of its pioneering artists followed their graduation from local art colleges like the Cairo School of Fine Arts, leaving for either Paris or London for higher studies.

African artists in this nascent stage of modern African art that coincided with the rise of anti-colonial sentiments used their art to communicate the social, political, and cultural changes experienced within colonial African society. Even in diaspora, where a crop of pioneering African modern artists from different regions of the continent—Ben Enwonwu (1919-94) Nigeria, Ernest Mancoba (1904-2002), South Africa, Christian Lattier (1925-1978), Ivory Coast, Mahmoud Muktar (1891-1934) Egypt, amongst others—sought higher educational opportunities, they followed the debates on colonialism and African independence, participated in Black Congresses, and through their art, contributed to the movement for emancipation. Notable among such independent art is Mahmoud Muktar’s sculpture Egypt Awakening.

Later on in the continent, the founding of art schools in Kumasi, Ghana (1936), Makerere, Uganda (1937), Khartoum, Sudan (1946), Ibadan and Zaria, Nigeria (1953 and 1955), provided opportunities for interaction between African artists, political activists, and writers. These art schools, which began with curricula modelled after European prototypes, were later steered towards inculcating and producing traditional African art forms by the society’s artists who established art societies, such as the Art Society of the College of Arts, Science and Technology, Zaria. Reporting this development in “Modern African Art,” Chris Okeke-Agulu explains that:
The society’s artists embarked on an aggressive recovery of traditional Nigerian art forms in all their historical variants. Combining media and techniques learned in art school, they encouraged less reliance on European subject matter and formal tropes. They were also concerned with the role of the artist in a culture in transition.

In response to the political mood (nationalist fervor) of the period symbolized by Nkrumah’s concept of African personality and Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Pan-Arabism, other African artists developed interests in indigenous art traditions and cultures, especially in the face of the intellectual attacks on colonial logic.

With African independence, some European-trained African modern artists returned home (except for South Africa) to serve their home governments in one administrative capacity or the other. And in their practice, they consciously adopted and adapted European art forms and techniques while turning to African traditions for inspiration. This, in 1964, led to the statements from William Fagg and Margaret Plass describing “contemporary” African art as an “extension of European art by a kind of involuntary cultural colonialism.” This attempt to decry modern African art as lacking “authenticity” and deny the African artist’s agency informs our question of the extent of “Africa in Modern African Art.”

In another vein, the post-independence decline in the role of art in African societies, which has been relegated mostly to serving tourists’ appetites and earning foreign revenue, is evidence of the dwindling appreciation of the historical, cultural, and political importance of art. Although this emphasis on servicing particular (foreign) tastes may not immediately pose tangible threats to the continued preservation of indigenous traditional art subjects, especially considering that the artworks are primarily valued for their otherness, the indigenous social relevance that gave these artworks their distinctive aesthetic quality/relevance might be lost, trapping African art in stasis. The YSMA is set to lead us on the right path.

Figure 3 Yemisi Shyllon, receiving an award.

(This is the third part of a series on The Yemisi Shyllon Museum of Art. Toyin Falola is a Humanity Chair and University Distinguished Teaching Professor, The University of Texas at Austin).

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Opinion

Reading Professor Olu Obafemi’s Melodies Of Inclement Climes

Published

1 day ago

September 22, 2023

NewTimes

Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

“Happiness is a crime in Nigeria.” This is a line – a line of distinction – I am lifting from a message sent to me as a response to my last Friday’s column on ‘“Professor Mabel Evwierhoma on Rubiales and “Wetin women want.”’ The owner of the lifted line is a positively dangerous poet, radical scholar and critic Professor Owojecho Omoha of the University of Abuja. I will at a later date revisit the full message of this literary scholar who is one of the distinguished boosters of this column.

Why is his quoted line meaningful or relevant to me today? For good reason, I have been trying to reinvigorate the idea or thought of happiness in Nigeria – your country my country our country – despite our common concerns concerning our dissatisfaction with our ungrateful leaders who significantly are our demonic consumers consuming this land, our land centuries and more than centuries ago. On my way to Warri last Friday I was thinking deeply about this when I was caught in the Benin-Ologbo obstacle on that cruel stretch of the Benin-Sapele-Warri Road of urbanized or almost urbanized jungle. I was clutching Professor Olu Obafemi’s very new book of poems, his fresh new volume of poetry which he quite properly entitles Melodies of Inclement Climes. I was looking at the moving poems in my desire to erase temporarily from my mind the vicious, tedious, muddy, degraded watery road which is evidently and steadily now the road of the unhappy people of the Niger Delta, and it was at this moment that Owojecho Omoha’s line found me. But I was already engrossed in the first offering, the first poem, in which the Niger Delta malaise stares at me – even though Professor Olu Obafemi is not from the Niger Delta, your Niger Delta my Niger Delta our Niger Delta. Ologbo where conservatively above three thousand trucks (trailers) and other uncountable vehicles – commercial and private – were practically at a stand-still, moving without moving because of the motorable-less motor-way, is one of the unfortunate or tragic by-products of urbanization that is no urbanization in the Niger Delta. Ologbo is a border town, a border community that links Edo State and Delta State. It is the most significant place that links Itsekiri, Urhobo and Edo (Benin) communities. It is the place where the work of cooperation and mutual help among the communities and travellers through the communities can find significantly honest expression that should capture our cultural and patriotic ethos that should give us good health and happiness. This is what Olu Obafemi seems to tell us, among other things, in “Those who gaze beyond today:”

While others like us

Bleed our land to death

Greedily erecting mansions

In other people’s lands,

Laundering filthy coins

Stolen from the sweaty brows

Of the poor and the deprived

In our own un-honed beaches and sandy shores!

Lay to ruin and waste and wreck

The black Gold!

As I read Professor Olu Obafemi’s Melodies at the shores of Ologbo two things emerged to me and rose to my dense imagination in a more than realistic way and manner. The first is that Olu Obafemi is a patriot and a national poet. His imagination extends beyond his Kiri-land (North Eastern Yoruba-land in Northern Nigeria) streams to dwell on national problems that depict our respective inclement climes – or, to put it differently, in his “Streams of Kiriland” (I am not alluding specifically to his poem that bears this title) we have a glimpse of our respective communal malaise that shows us our respective inclement land in our untamed beaches in Ologbo of the Niger Delta and elsewhere outside Ologbo or Kiriland. As beautiful and as nostalgic Kiriland is or may be it is strange that urbanization and civilization have not befriended it. It is this perspective that throws up to me the second vital aspect of Melodies of Inclement Climes. Olu Obafemi conservers what is best from his (and our) past in order for the merciless problems and inclementness of today can be properly addressed. So I am not reading Professor Olu Obafemi as an entire nostalgic poet after all! Our lives’ test is not and cannot be the past or the future. It is now. It is today. It is the present. It is the here and now. Are we happy today in our country – economically, commercially, politically, educationally, medically, technologically, hygiene-wise and otherwise? Without endorsing the present that is before us we cannot honestly face tomorrow. We live in an economy and in a political clime ruled and propelled by ingratitude, disaffection and dissatisfaction and exploitation and oppression. Let me quote our poet of melodies dwelling on our inglorious climes: “Let our earth be replenished again/As scavengers and scoundrels are rid of our land.” (39).This must be so if we must eliminate “Death [that] clings to our throats/As mortal Anopheles, King of Death –/Husband of malaria, swarm/And corpses hold parades on our shores” (44). What our country needs now is a renewed vision, a full insight into our shortcomings, limits and possibilities informed by our awareness and knowledge of our place in the comity of nations. This is an absolute necessity if we must live an adequately and properly human life.

Professor Olu Obafemi is a super ambidextrous writer and scholar of more than numerous parts. He is best known as a play-wright, dramatist and theatre personage, theorist and critic of a profoundly profound mind. But he is without question a poet of distinction as well – which the present volume superbly makes evident. Melodies of Inclement Climes appeals to me exceedingly from the perspectives of the rhetoric of poetic drama, phenomenology, biography, memory, wrap of childhood, autobiography, history, activism, politics, geography, social exploration, revolutionary revolution, psychology, public health, progressive variation in language and feeling. I am on purpose not dwelling on all these perspectives in this briefly appealing enterprise to engender every reader’s interest in Melodies. (I am thinking of something adventurous and enchantingly enchanting outside here). With respect to the last named subject, let me titillate my readers thus: I wish you to join me to think of Professor Olu Obafemi as a magnificent poet who concentrates everything feelingly into a sentence –“Melodies of Inclement Climes;” “And hardened villains of misrule;” “And love shall visit these shores again;” “This is the story of our nation now; Debtor-elephant.”

The beauty of Professor Olu Obafemi’s new volume of poetry is the trick of its language. The emotions or feelings the poet generates are significant enough to ensure full daylight in our inclement climes. It is thus not for nothing that Professor Olu Obafemi has been a recipient of the Nigerian National Order of Merit (NNOM) and wearer of other laurels. His rhetoric is not any adornment or inflation of words done for the reader’s unquestionable insight or for a particular effect but for a general creative power that has an intensity and concision of indubitably great poetry.

Melodies of Inclement Climes will leap in my arms, hands, and mind for a pretty long time of creative reading and critical happiness. This is not an ostentatious praise, but the true judgment of a reader and critic – this reader and critic – of esthetic and moral sensibility. I duly bow and salute the poet for this fresh volume. Join me in my bow and salutation.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

Opinion

The West And The Hypocrisy Of Democracy

Published

3 days ago

September 20, 2023

NewTimes

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon

Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

Western deception has been with Africa forever:

1493: Pope Alexander VI issued a papal bull, “Inter Caetera,” proclaiming the right of Spain and Portugal to enslave Africans and own the land. They were subjects. They stole your people and your land.

1885: Africa was a Dark Continent. It required colonization to become civilized. Europe would bring change and civilize them. They stole your raw materials and truncated your self-development.

1940: When over a million Africans fought in Europe, North Africa and the Far East during the Second World War, the West convinced them they were dying for freedom and democracy. But where in Africa do they receive freedom and democracy? Indeed, Apartheid was inaugurated in 1948 in South Africa.

When will this deception come to an end? So, Gabon and Niger were democracies before the 2023 coups? You must be using the wrong dictionary to define democracy. Cameroon under the invalid Paul Biya is a democracy? You must be confusing the Mali Empire with the modern country of Cameroon. And the presidents who rule for as long as they want practising democracy?

You need a little education.

Recent developments in Africa’s political space, particularly the growing number of military takeovers, have informed fresh queries around the expressions of neo-colonialism in Africa and the commitment to liberal democracy as the ideal political model for the region. The point of reference for these queries is the ceremonial reactions from the acclaimed “champions of democracy” in the West, who waste no time issuing condemnations at every instance of “democratic failure” on the continent without any actual commitment to ensuring that power indeed lies with the people. Not only have these champions of African interests—the United States (US), Britain and France—touted democracy as the best system of political organization to achieve political stability and economic prosperity in Africa, but they have also prosecuted wars, allegedly in its defence, which cost millions of lives and destabilized entire regions. However, it is not enough to accuse our benevolent friends in the West of hypocrisy without providing compelling proof of double-dealing in delivering their duties as democratic crusaders. After all, in a democratic setting, all are innocent until proven guilty.

As a philosophy of government, democracy has existed since the Greco-Roman times. However, its foray into Africa can be traced to the eve of independence when Britain and France introduced forms of local representation as concessions to indigenous demands for independence. Thus, from 1959, parliamentary elections and other democratic institutions started to become commonplace on the continent. But, as it would turn out, this democratic experiment, which formed part of the third (global) wave of democracy, was to be short-lived—derailed as it was by fluctuating Western interests on the continent.

Guiding Western interest in Africa from the 1950s was the ideological war between the West (mainly the USA) and the Soviet Union. The “Cold War,” as it came to be known, was the first incident to unmask the real intentions of the West for post-colonial Africa. In their quest to emerge as the world’s sole superpower, the US and the Soviet Union, who actively strove to undermine each other’s influence by, among other things, advancing their political ideologies around the world, turned to Africa as another important frontier of conquest. While the Soviet Union armed African revolutionary movements against their Western colonial overlords and provided support to openly communist governments, Washington concluded that, to effectively check the spread of Soviet influence on the continent, it was more expedient to enthrone biddable leaders in African states than it was to woo them with any ideological arguments or economic incentives.

Anxious to ensure power was handed over to reliable politicians, Britain and France became eager participants in the US policy in Africa. Together, the US and its allies targeted venal local strongmen, preferably with military backgrounds and authoritarian tendencies, who, in collaboration with its intelligence agencies, ousted legitimate/democratic governments. Notable victims and beneficiaries of this plot included (in the former category) Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Patrice Lumumba of Congo DRC, Sylvio Olympio of Togo and (in the latter category) Idi Amin of Uganda, Mobutu Sese Seko of Congo DRC and Gnassingbé Eyadema of Togo, to mention a few. Consequently, thirty-three African countries that achieved independence between 1956-1970 became authoritarian immediately or not long after.

Another demonstration of the complete disregard that the West has for democracy, peace/stability and human rights in Africa is its willingness to engulf the entire region in conflict so that it can achieve its “strategic interests.” Once again, we begin from the Cold War era where, having recently come out of a highly destructive war in Europe (in 1945) and being cautious of engaging in another, the West and the Eastern Bloc turned Africa into the site of their proxy wars. In southern Africa, where the US considered both Angola and Mozambique as areas of “strategic interests,” Washington armed the 200,000 Portuguese conscripts, who went on to fight a protracted war against local nationalist revolutionaries, with imported weapons, which included defoliants and napalm. In Angola, the US, in cooperation with Apartheid South Africa, backed the National Union for Total Independence (UNITA) against the country’s (Soviet-backed) leading national liberation front, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). There were also similar cases in northern Africa where Sudan was funded and armed by the US against Egypt and Ethiopia, who had also pitched their tents with Moscow. These conflicts and the resultant proliferation of arms saw the loss of millions of African lives from war and famine and a general destabilization of the region.

While the West cannot be said to have been directly involved in all the occasions of transition from democratic to authoritarian rule, in more than a few instances, the leaders of newly independent democratic/multi-party African states seized the opportunity of Western patronage to quickly switch to one-party/despotic rule. In other cases, it was the corruption, resource mismanagement, “tribalism,” patrimonialism, clientelism and imperialism perpetrated by a Western-backed ruling political class which formed the basis of military takeovers (coups). Nevertheless, in this atmosphere of quasi-democratic rule, full-fledged despotism, military rule and Apartheid—where national resources were siphoned by kleptocratic regimes and millions of Africans either became refugees or died as a result of civil wars, hunger, and human rights abuses—our western “friends” were content to look the other way if the government in place proved itself an ally of Washington.

Perhaps the most glaring example of the West’s democratic hypocrisy in Africa was its age-long support for the highly racist and politically repressive Apartheid regime in South Africa. Like the French, who were able to cajole Washington into believing that they were fighting communist-backed insurgents in Algeria, the South African Apartheid regime, for forty years, posed as the last bastion against communists in Africa—an attitude that was able to secure a steady flow of western arms. This, alongside the West’s tacit approval, allowed for one of Africa’s most despicable shows of human debasement, carried out in the name of imperialism and racial superiority. After all, as President Ronald Regan remarked in 1981, South Africa was “essential to the free world in its production of minerals we all must have.”

The end of the Cold War changed Western attitudes towards Africa. Without the Soviet threat, the West leaned more towards development diplomacy and foreign aid regimes as the main thrust of its foreign policy in Africa. Foreign aid to Africa, however, turned out to be a Trojan horse. Already saddled with the task of building vibrant economies whilst also harmonizing the aspirations of the different ethnic nationalities which characterized them, African countries, especially in Francophone Africa, also had to grapple with the undermining economic and political agreements they had been coerced into signing with their erstwhile colonial overlord as a condition for independence and continued patronage. To make matters worse, some African countries were, at the end of the Cold War, either fighting or had just come out of civil war. This, combined with the widespread corruption and mismanagement of national resources which characterized Africa’s tyrannical governments, put many Af5rican countries at the mercy of international monetary agencies (the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank) and their financiers whose aid they were now heavily dependent on.

At first, these Bretton Woods institutions were content to grant loans/aid, at debilitating interest rates no less, to authoritarian leaders who used them to perpetuate themselves in power and, in return, provided the former with mineral and other economic concessions. However, without the Cold War pressures, more emphasis was placed on the liberalization and capitalist/free-market aspects of US foreign policy to guarantee return on investments. Soon enough, Structural Adjustments Programmes (SAPs) were introduced as a precondition for further loans/aid. Said adjustments, which demanded limited government intervention in the public sector, i.e., removing government subsidies in energy (fuel/gas), education and health care, brought untold hardships to already suffering populations. And as research has shown, poverty and non-tax revenue make for the ideal democratic environment. In other words, “when the government is not beholden to citizens for its funding, there is less accountability and less reason to democratize” (Tilly 1990). Instead, leaders simply use the “free” funding from natural resources (oil) and foreign loans/aid to buy enough support to remain in power.

Judging from the various expressions of Western interests in Africa over decades, it goes without saying that the West simply pays lip service to ideologies when convenient. Although many Africans might not object to the cynical pragmatism that has always guided Western foreign policy in Africa, I dare say they will not stand for the continued lies and hypocrisy that have characterized Western reactions to African developments. Even if the above-described instances of Western hypocrisy in Africa were to be argued to be in the past, it is a living past for Africa.

Africa, today, still has authoritarian governments in place whose political repression and human rights abuses go on unchecked by our democracy and rule of law-loving friends in the West. After being siphoned by kleptocratic governments, our commonwealth still finds its way to Western banks, where it sits and improves the local economy. Western interests continue to impoverish Africans and destabilize their regions. So, Africans are today saying to the West, its diplomats, presidents, and the other agents of its propaganda: “Your gambit in Africa is up. Our people are awakened!”

The West has sold you a fake product called democracy. Africans, your vote is not a sign of democracy. It is no more than a deception. There is no democracy without accountability. You are just voting thieves to power. There is no democracy without transparency. You are just using your votes in support of crooks and thugs. There is no democracy without good governance. Your vote is facilitating theft. Maybe you are waiting for your turn to steal. There is no democracy without development. Your vote is moving you back to the Stone Age. Even early humans knew when to replace stones with iron during the Stone Age. Africa, you don’t have a democracy. Anyone you have not appointed cannot disappoint you! Citizens are being deceived, and they are deceiving themselves. Organize yourselves at various levels and think of alternatives to democracy or, at the minimum, how accountability and transparency will form the core of your democratic practices. Your lifetime president is not a Democrat. He is an authoritarian kleptocrat far worse than the combination of Doris Payne, Stephane Breitwieser, Simon Leviev, Veerappan, Derek Smalls, Vincenzo Peruggia, Bonnie and Clyde, Natwarlal, Carl Gugasian, Frank Abagnale, Anna Sorokin, Albert Spaggiari, Jesse James, Anthony Strangis, and Bill Mason. Do you know these names?

Opinion

Informaction: Theory Of Change And Witch Persecution In Africa

Published

4 days ago

September 19, 2023

NewTimes

Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

Dr. Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

A theory of change explains how activities, measures, and steps undertaken to address a problem could facilitate or help realize certain changes or outcomes. It articulates how an impact would be achieved and some progress made. In this case, the expected outcome is an end to witch-hunting in Africa. Unlike in Western countries, the persecution of supposed witches persists in the region. Witch bloodletting takes place in many parts of Africa. The persecution of people accused of witchcraft leads to horrific abuses and death. Alleged witches are attacked, tortured, lynched, imprisoned, or banished. They are subjected to jungle justice, trial by ordeal, forced disappearance, and internal displacement. Simply put, those who are accused of perpetrating occult harm are treated without mercy or compassion. Incidentally, the impression is that nothing could be done to combat or neutralize this dark and destructive phenomenon, that witch hunting is cultural to Africans. The impression is that seeking to eradicate witch-hunting in African societies is a futile effort. This notion is gravely mistaken and needs to be corrected. The Advocacy for Alleged Witches was launched in 2020 to correct these misconceptions and facilitate effective actions. It works to fill the missing link in the activism against witch persecution in the region. The AfAW is a protest initiative, and exists to challenge and dispel allegations of witchcraft.

The main goal is to end witch-hunting in Africa by 2030. This objective sounds like an ambitious goal or some pipe dream, but it can be achieved. And AfAW aims to end witch hunting based on an informactional theory of change. This theory rests on two pillars: information and action because witch hunting persists in the region due to lack of information, or misinformation, and due to lack of action, inaction, or infraction. The Advocacy for Alleged Witches uses this two-pronged approach to combat witch-hunting in Africa.

At the global level, there is a lack of information about witch-hunting in Africa. Although a lot has been written and published on witchcraft in African societies, many people in Europe and America claim do not know about raging witch hunts in the region. Part of the problem is that these publications are filled with misinformation and misinterpretation of witchcraft accusations and witch persecution in the region. Scholars have presented witchcraft accusations as benign and useful to African societies. Meanwhile these accusations are not in any way gentle or pleasant. Studies have portrayed witchcraft allegations as stabilizing and harmonizing mechanisms. They have overlooked the critical and skeptical perspective of witchcraft beliefs. Scholars have largely ignored the accused side of the story, the harmful and destructive consequences of witchcraft imputations. At the Advocacy for Alleged Witches, we work to correct the misrepresentation of witchcraft accusations in Africa. We campaign to draw attention to this imbalance in the perception of the phenomenon. But correct information is not enough. Balanced interpretation does not suffice. To combat witch persecution, information needs to be turned into action, into effective policies and interventions.

On the action side, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches takes measures to address the problem because lack of adequate information has occasioned inaction or infractions. Wrong information has resulted in apathy and indifference towards witch hunting in Africa. Many international agencies are reluctant to act; they have refused to take action or to treat the issue with the urgency it deserves. With adequate and balanced information, international organizations would take appropriate actions.

At the local level, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches works to fill the information and action gaps. Many people accuse and engage in witch hunts due to a lack of information or misinformation. Accusers act based on a lack of information about the cause of illnesses, deaths, and other misfortune. Many people persecute witches because they have incorrect information about who or what is responsible for their problems, because they are not informed about what to do and where to go, who or what to blame for their misfortunes. Many people do not know what constitutes sufficient reason and causal explanations for their problems. As part of the efforts to end witch-hunting, the AfAW highlights misinformation and disinformation about causes of misfortune, illness, death, accidents, poverty, and infertility, including the misinformation that charlatans and con artists, god men and women such as traditional priests, pastors, mallam and marabouts use to exploit poor ignorant folks. The AfAW provides evidence-based knowledge, explanation, and interpretation of misfortunes. It informs the public about the law and other existing mechanisms to address allegations of witchcraft. The AfAW sensitizes the public and public institutions, including schools, colleges, and universities. It sponsors media programs, issues press releases, makes social media posts, and publishes articles and blogs on witch-hunting in the region.

In addition, the AfAW facilitates actions and interventions by state and nonstate agencies. The post colonial African state is weak so state agencies have limited powers and presence. So the AfAW encourages institutional synergy to enhance efficiency and effectiveness. The AfAW petitions the police, the courts, and state human rights institutions. It pressures them to act, to collaborate and take appropriate measures to penalize witch-hunting activities in the region. With an informactional approach, witch hunting in Africa would slowly decrease and diminish. Witch persecution would be a thing of the past within a decade.

Dr.Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches which aims to end witch hunting in Africa by 2030.