Connect with us

Opinion

Rebuilding Nigeria’s Broken Walls: From Emotional Patriotism To Nehemiah Complex

Published

on

How To Revive Public Schools - Tunji Olaopa

By

 Tunji Olaopa

I believe in Nigeria. This is an affirmation that I do not need to prove to anyone. It is just a simple affirmation that sums up my professional commitment to the very idea of a Nigeria that would regain her capacity to become great. Greatness, with regard to the Nigerian state, comes with a historical demand. Like most African states, the amalgamation conditioned Nigeria into a plural entity made up of various ethnocultural constituents willfully merged together into a mechanical unity that lacked any organic wholeness. Unfortunately, that mechanical unity seems to have been grafted wholesale into the constitutional framework that holds the Nigerian state together. And this began with the 1914 amalgamation and compounded by the Ironsi’s 1966 unitary illogic. And from 1966 to date, Nigeria has been struggling with the debilitations of that structural albatross. Everything that is wrong with the Nigerian state, from misgovernance to underdevelopment, derives from that historical misstep.

It is this historical misstep that has made a mess of the issue of national integration, what we all call the Nigeria Project. It seems a pretty simple project: Nigeria needs to convert the ethnocultural loyalty of her varied constituents into a civic nationalism that makes Nigeria the center of an energetic patriotism, the type we witness with other nations. Nigeria needs to transform herself from “a mere geographical expression” into a fulsome nation made up of patriotic believers who have infrastructural backstops for their belief in the greatness of Nigeria. Nationhood derives from the conversion of Nigeria’s ethnic capital into national capital. And that conversion rides on the performances of the structures and institutions that undergird Nigeria’s democratic experiment. Without these performances, demonstrated by a high productivity profile and infrastructural development, the possibility of the national integration project manifesting is shaky.

READ ALSO: Tomori’s Tears, Emotional Patriotism And Nigeria’s Future

It is my ardent belief in such a possibility that is driving my institutional reform agenda. For me, leadership recruitment dynamic, values reorientation and institutional reform form the bedrock of Nigeria’s striving for greatness. And I have located this reform imperative within the governance space, and especially within the public administration system. In theory and practice, the public service, constitutional order and a development-rooted national value system are the genuine complements to an effective democratic governance. This means that, in the case of Nigeria, when the state system itself is caught within the grasp of Nigeria’s historical predicament and cultural illogic, the only change management instruments to deploy are reform, governance and institution. I believe in Nigeria because I hold strongly to the possibility of unleashing Nigeria’s greatness through an institutional reform of her governance and policy space in ways that are sufficiently developmental to backstop the efficiency of democratic governance.

In a critical sense, Professor Oyewale Tomori’s emotional deliverance in the last few weeks lamented Nigeria’s institutional capacity that had gone bad. Everything he had to say about his educational maturation within a context of national security and moral dynamics pointed at a time when Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Simeon Adebo had a firm understanding of the relationship between politics and administration as the basis for good governance. It was a time of an acute awareness of the proper roles of the regions as genuine federating units for Nigeria’s emerging federal stature. And then, everything went historically and politically berserk

My belief in Nigeria speaks insistently to the possibility of a providential and institutional rescue of her greatness. My fervent belief dispenses with any form of historical determinism founded on either the amalgamation or the entire colonial narrative and its epochal significance. A firm grasp of the political and socioeconomic dynamics of the present seems to lead inexorably towards pessimism. Gloomy statistics confirm and reinforce the harsh reality of living in Nigeria. It is as if we are tumbling towards a precipice. Even 2023, as the moment for an electoral repositioning of Nigeria’s fate, holds no succor given the level of political scheming that is already going on at the moment to secure or retain power by parties without any ideological clue as to where to direct the ship of state. However, if politicians do not have a clue, intellectuals and well-meaning patriots have the responsibility to provide one.

READ ALSO: A Conspiracy History: Unraveling The Puzzles In Nigeria’s Future

This is where the Nehemiah narrative holds the most theological and political appeal for me. What sets Nehemiah’s patriotic blood boiling? It was just the news that more than half-century after the temple was completed, the walls of Jerusalem still lay in ruins. He just could not bear that news and all it connoted. He broke down and wept. But then as he wept, his mind was already exploring possibilities of remedying the situation. And his plan required theological understanding, leadership forthrightness and political acumen. In other words, he needed to know what God’s will is and, even more important, how God would enable him walk the tight rope of getting the permission of King Artaxerxes. This was crucial because building the wall of Jerusalem was a secular matter (compared to the religious assignment of building the temple, given to Ezra). Rebuilding the walls had a significance for the restoration of the State of Israel, and the possible threat that could connote. But Nehemiah was a pragmatic believer! He did not just sit lamenting the broken walls and waiting for God’s intervention. He acted. And his twelve years serving as the governor of Judah, with the economic and religious reforms that heralded his successes and achievements became significant.

This is what I call the Nehemiah complex for rebuilding the fallen walls of the Nigerian state. The lesson is simple: the walls of the Nigerian nation-state are broken. And we have reasons to weep and lament. But then, after lamentation, what’s next? Like Nehemiah, I hold strongly to a belief about a providential understanding of the place of Nigeria in global order and in the transformation of the lives of Nigerians. But then, the evidence of that providential assistance lies in the reform imperatives for transforming the predicament facing the Nigerian state. The key element of the Nehemiah imperative, as I read it for the Nigerian condition, is two-fold. The first is the need to restructure the Nigerian polity. The second lies in the urgency of building a coalition of patriotic leadership across different sectors and strata of the Nigerian society.

In calling for the restructure of the Nigerian polity, I know I am treading a dangerous path. It is dangerous essentially because of the abuse of the concept of restructuring. There are so many who hear the word and just tune off, not least the present crop of political class in Nigeria. Many members of this class hold the misplaced fear that restructuring is synonymous with the dissolution of the Nigerian polity. Nothing could be more illogical. What is logical is this. There is no one who does not agree that our federal structure is not working because it is lopsided under a unitary framework. No one will also disagree that outside of a functional federal arrangement, Nigeria’s democratic governance is doomed to keep failing. Nigeria’s strange contraption of unitary federalism denies the federating units the capacity for creative governance that regionalism afforded the regions in the first republic. To restructure therefore simply means opening up Nigeria’s plural dynamics to a constitutional arrangement that allows for the sharing of power among, in Nigeria’s case, three tiers of government. This federal arrangement not only allows for the various ethnic nationalities and cultural constituents to enjoy a modicum of self-determination that allows for the expression of their ethnocultural identities, it also facilitates a measure of fiscal autonomy for the federating units. The constitutional situation now, on the contrary, is that only the federal government enjoys constitutional overlordship at the expense of the state and the local government (of course the states also virtually obliterate the presence of the local governments and their autonomy). With this unitary arrangement, no federating unit is motivated to explore its comparative advantages. This is because there is now a bail-out mentality that drives everyone to Abuja to partake of the dividends of Nigeria’s virtually bankrupt mono-economy.

READ ALSO: Speaking Truth To Power: Attahiru Jega, Toye Olorode, And Nigeria’s Future

The promise of fiscal federalism makes it possible to consider the six geopolitical zones as the regional alternative for rethinking federalism. These zones become economic corridors that function on the internal economic and cultural dynamics and advantages of the regions in ways that undermine the illogic of Nigeria’s mono-economy. And second, these zones take the burden of governance away from the federal government which is then allowed to focus on core national issues like currency and international relations. This regional alternative is not new; it is only Nigeria that is decidedly ignoring its possibilities. Or to recast, it is Nigeria’s political elite that has refused to take up the challenge of articulating that regional vision of federalism. And this is where the second leg of the Nehemiah complex becomes significant: if the political class is not seeing the connection between Nigeria’s lopsided federal arrangement and the need to restructure it, there is the urgency of building a broad-based coalition of leadership that has the capacity to see the situation as Nehemiah saw it. In building the walls of Jerusalem, Nehemiah called on those who saw the walls and what needed to be done the way he saw it. We need leaders across generational divide, from Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, Prof. Pat Utomi, Prof. Attahiru Jega, Olisa Agbakoba, Akinwunmi Adesina, Aisha Yesufu, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, for instance, to what we can call the EndSARS generation; and from corporate professionals to intellectuals and scholars—people who share the patriotic desire to see Nigeria become truly great and responsible for the well-being of her citizens.

Nigeria needs more than her political class. It needs all those who believe in her greatness—all those who can see the wood for the trees; those who are capable, unlike the political class, of seeing what needed to be done in taking Nigeria out of her predicament.

In concluding, let me utilise some prose from my earlier contribution titled Federalism-Restructuring Fixation: What’s future for Nigeria? And my take is this, to move forward, there are three clear options for Nigeria to pursue. First, her political elites could resolve to put their acts together and get the basics right in the effort to move Nigeria forward on the federal path and achieve success like the United States, Switzerland, India or Australia. Second, the same political class could bury their heads in the sand and watch as everything degenerates  to the point of implosion. This was the terrible fate of the former USSR, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.

READ ALSO: Truth Spoken Before Its Time: Professor Bolaji Akinyemi At 80!

Third, and even worse, Nigeria could just be allowed to keep up its dynamics of motion without movement that will either perpetually keep it as a reference point for academic and practical underdevelopment thesis and hypothesis for developing states (an exemplification of Princeton Lyman’s “greatness to irrelevance thesis”), or we eventually arrive at violent implosion due to lack of attention to what matters in nation building. So, is federalism the ultimate end to Nigeria’s hydra-headed predicament?

As a political scientist and institutional reformer, I am sufficiently aware of the limit of theory especially in a complex political and institutional situation presented by the Nigerian state. Thus, while it is futile to hanker for what is often termed “true federalism,” there is no doubt that federalism serves a critical purpose in Nigeria’s political rehabilitation and restructuring. In other words, federalism is not an end in itself, a panacea to end all national evils. In simple language, one that should be intelligible to expert political scientists with sufficient knowledge of comparative federalism in the democracies around the world. It is this, that the worst thing that could happen to Nigeria’s envisioned future is for her to have gone full-swing, to restructure the federation with a “true” federal constitution to boot, only to discover that her developmental problems have not been resolved by far.

As should be obvious, the whole Nehemiah complex requires committed leadership—a new breed of patriotic individuals and political elites who instinctively understand what is required to make Nigeria great. This new breed of Nigerian leadership will be committed to a pan-Nigerian ideal or dream—a pax Nigeriana—around which a strategic governance framework can be built to rally Nigerians to the urgent imperatives of sound development blueprint, good governance and social justice. It goes without saying that such a leadership will immediately recognize the significance of education and value reorientation as key elements in the restructuring of the mindset and attitudinal behaviour of Nigerians. Education instigates in the citizens a state of mind that is reflective, respectful and ethically aware of the shades of difference—ethnic, sexual gender, cultural—that makes up a plural state.

READ ALSO: Behold! Professor Akinyemi Is 80

This is the ultimate challenge of the Nigerian political class: to dedicate its attention and political capacities and competences to articulating a vision of what Nigeria should be, and how to achieve national integration. And at the very heart of such a vision is the blueprint for building an active citizenship that will be patriotic and willing to contribute to the challenge of national development. Outside of these, Nigeria’s future is very bleak, and all debates about Nigeria’s envisioned greatness are a  sham.

Olaopa is a  former Federal Permanent Secretary , and  a Professor of Public Administration, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS),

Kuru, Jos

tolaopa2003@gmail.com

 

Read more authentic news on our social media platforms

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Opinion

The Thabo Mbeki Letters (Part 11): Africa In Global Politics

Published

on

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The foundation of strong nations is built on mutual integrity and collaboration among regional powers to enhance solid responses to common problems. Challenges are an integral part of the inevitable experiences that people must face and overcome to achieve their collective aspirations and reach new and greater heights. Importantly, challenges can wreck an individual or a group, depending on their resolve to confront the issues confidently or otherwise. In other words, problems do not automatically turn a people or the country into a golden star; often, the disposition of society or the individual facing these issues will determine the outcomes.

Africa’s problems are deeply rooted in the despicable politics of exploitation and predatory feasting orchestrated by the colonizers, and its legacy lingers because of the strategies adopted by the colonial powers. They deliberately created divisions within the continent through the policy of divide and conquer. In response to these challenges, African nations needed to organize resistance to stop the perpetuation of colonial servitude. This became the foundation for the standard front and voices that marked Africa’s independent protests. From East to West, North to South, the cry for autonomy reached the pinnacle and cut the fiercest minds of the despots, creating the necessary atmosphere to resist oppression. Without such a united front, Africa may have continued to face a significant pushover by their former colonial imperialists who were irrevocably committed to the exploitation of African human and natural resources.

Thabo Mbeki

To address these challenges, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in the early 1960s to address the people’s concerns from a united front. The OAU aimed to tackle issues comprehensively rather than piecemeal, ensuring that the issues affecting them would be addressed for the good of the entire continent. However, it could not achieve these lofty dreams, although it was set for active continental politics.

Thabo Mbeki mentions how African solidarity extended to countries actively supporting liberation struggles. One such example is Cuba, which shared the ambition and agitations of African independence, not just in words but in actual practice. Mbeki recounts the contributions of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, recalling the courageous steps the country took to ensure that the South African people were liberated from the ceaseless intimidations of the oppressive apartheid state. Cuba invested in South Africa’s emancipation by providing human resources to combat the aggressors, demonstrating a deep commitment to the country’s freedom.

Without such bold steps, the activities of these countries would have been destabilized by the oppressors. Despite its limited economic resources, Cuba committed itself to the cause of African freedom and made available the necessary materials required to battle the overbearing West. This demonstrates why it is essential not only to create mutual bonds with one another in Africa but also to consider countries that share similar interests outside of it. Cuba’s identification with Africa redefined unity and solidarity. This relationship significantly impacted the ties between South Africa and Cuba and between Cuba and other African nations.

Intercontinental collaboration and team building are undeniably important. Still, the need for internal coordination among African countries is even more critical, given their shared history of the brutalization of their culture, person, and heritages. To confront the perpetrators of generational oppression, African nations needed to develop a united front. This speaks to the reality that many individual countries will continue to be victims of similar problems if they refuse to come together and assert themselves at the continental level. The fact that former colonizers remain invested in the subjugation of Africa reveals why the continent’s future could be under extended challenges unless decisive actions are taken. This recognition led to the creation of mechanisms to secure a brighter future for Africa.

It was necessary, and even desirable, for people with similar ambitions to become well-coordinated, allowing them to confront their fears and assert themselves where required. Unity within Africa was non-negotiable and crucial in realizing its fullest potential. While nations could possess power individually, they would have continued to face severe challenges if they did not pursue their goals from a united front. Therefore, their strength consolidated better when they came together to speak as one, as exemplified in the structured and systematized ideas that emerged when they became the African Union (AU).

The organization of these countries into a shared group was not intended to achieve ceramic intentions where people would only come together for the sake of it and not necessarily to enhance measurable changes. As Mbeki emphasizes, the cardinal key to the togetherness of different African countries is to combat internal challenges that have ravaged them in recent years. For example, the problem of underdevelopment has become endemic in Africa to the extent that access to essential opportunities is almost unattainable for the average individual. This chronic underdevelopment has created a challenging atmosphere for survival, contributing more to the destabilization of the continent.

More importantly, African nations must be on the same page in matters of governance and the character of leadership. If some countries disregard the people’s will and install leaders through undemocratic means, it will create a complex problem that will be difficult to manage, as it not only sets a lousy precedent but also encourages dangerous behavior from leaders. Also, the lack of strong institutions in Africa will lead to a rapid decline in the quality of life of individuals and groups, further deepening the continent’s woes.

For instance, African leaders needed to take decisive steps in their engagements to tackle unemployment and combat the misappropriation of public resources. This explains their resolve to organize themselves and thoroughly examine the issues facing them as a continent. Equally important is the need to strengthen their position by understanding powerful countries. It is an amusing irony that after having been oppressed and held down by these nations, African leaders would now seek political collaboration with them. They needed solid knowledge of these former oppressors to avoid sabotage that could send them back into decades of stagnation and backwardness.

This pragmatic approach must be recognized as a necessary sacrifice that African leaders embrace with equanimity, knowing that it could bring sustainable progress if they could only take the required steps. Through those efforts, it is apparent that they would have enough opportunities to establish intercontinental networks to save them from the problems they had hitherto experienced. Mbeki notes that African leaders needed to strategically position themselves to take advantage of global politics, especially in ways that promote their interests and safeguard their future aspirations.

PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

 

 

Continue Reading

Opinion

Secularism And Interfaith Harmony In South Asia: Report From Singapore

Published

on

Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

 By Leo Igwe

As Pope Francis landed in Indonesia for a 12-day visit to four countries in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, Humanists from different parts of the world were leaving the region after a historic General Assembly of Humanists International, the umbrella group of humanists, atheists, and agnostics worldwide. The event took place in Singapore from August 30 to September 1, 2024. The humanist meeting and pope’s visit focused on interfaith harmony, one from a secular and the other from a religious perspective.

I attended the humanist event in Singapore. It was my second visit to South Asia. My first visit was in 1999 when I participated in the World Humanist Congress in India. I looked forward to returning to the region for another humanist event. The delay in the issuance of visas by the embassy of Singapore almost marred the trip. I got my visa approved and my flight booked less than a week before my travel. Something is wrong with the Singaporean visa policy and process in Nigeria. And it has to be fixed. My colleague’s visa application was never approved.

I arrived in Singapore on August 29 after a 17-hour flight with a short transit in Doha, feeling tired, and overwhelmed but also excited. It was my first visit to Singapore, a country, that I have heard about so much. In less than 24 hours, it was obvious to me that it was a worthwhile trip. I was greatly pleased by what I saw, and how things worked. I was happy that Singapore had a humanist society that was robust enough to organize a General Assembly. Kudos to the organisers.
The second day I joined a tour that focused on harmony in diversity. We visited buildings, streets, and places that told stories of how Singapore had managed to maintain harmony despite its diverse racial, ethnic, and religious heritage. I was surprised to know that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion. Some friends from the region told us not to interpret the no-religion category the same way it is done in the West. Muslims who felt they were not fulfilling their religious obligations could identify as having no religion. Whatever the case, that no religion category offered some hope for freedom and humanity.
An attendee from Malaysia noted something interesting during the tour. He stated that, if by any chance a public presentation was made in Malaysia indicating that about 20 percent of the population identified as having no religion, some riot would break out. Thank goodness, it was in Singapore!
On the second day, there was a conference on secularism and interfaith harmony. Humanists, some ‘liberal’ Muslims, and other stakeholders in interfaith relations discussed the challenge of forging interfaith harmony in Singapore. It was encouraging to hear how some brave individuals were pushing boundaries and navigating risky religious terrain in the country that seemed committed to being a shining example of religious tolerance and interfaith harmony in the region. There is still a lot of work to be done in furtherance of freedom of religion or belief and in combating extreme religious ideas. I heard about the country’s religious rehabilitation project and was concerned. I wondered about its impact on religious and belief freedoms.
From all I witnessed at this event, there is hope for humanity in Singapore. The country could one day become a regional hub for humanism and freethought. There is a bright future for secularism in South Asia/Pacific. The international humanist movement should help local humanists realize this future. In a region where some countries regard atheists as terrorists, and people who renounce their religion, Islam in particular, risk being attacked, killed, or imprisoned, humanism could become a force for good, and Singapore a symbol of hope and progress.

 Igwe,PhD,  is a board member of Humanists International, UK.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Thabo Mbeki Letters ( Part 10):  Politics And Its Dirty Deuces

Published

on

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

One reason politics is often branded a dirty enterprise is its susceptibility to being wielded as a weapon of destruction. In every country, politics remains dangerous–both as an instrument of construction and destruction. When in alignment with powerful cliques or caucuses, it is often used to elevate individuals and catapult them to greater heights. This is because politicians can access tools to advance such intentions, which they deploy at their will. Anyone who has attained some level of progress or growth can be said to have benefited from the good side of politics. Even if politics is not directly responsible for their success, they must have escaped its destructive hands,

However, when those who wield political power decide to do so, they may become harsh to their targets and exploit their victim’s vulnerability until it brings about their downfall. Thus, it can be inferred that those who have experienced the challenges of life irreparably may have been victims of political forces who wanted them dealt with. This does not imply that all personal problems result from political forces. Still, it does suggest that the inability to overcome such challenges may often be attributable to it. Follow me.

Prof. Toyin Falola (left) and Thabo Mbeki.

The South African experience is telling of the above dynamics. Independence was begrudged to the country by those who had not only earlier imagined that they would hold political power for a very long time but had also consolidated their conception of South Africans as shadows of themselves through the oppressive character of their political system. However, through the bold resistance led by the country’s liberator and other dedicated South Africans, their independence became inevitable–and very fast at that.

Although the domination of colonies by the imperialists was purely for exploitation, it was also inspired by the assumption that the colonized were sub-humans and inferior to them. This contemptuous belief permeated all aspects of their existence, so much so that even the colonized began to internalize these misconceptions at some point. However, once South Africans became strong enough to challenge the foundations of apartheid and colonialism, upholders of that exploitative system responded with attempts to tear down the anti-colonialism efforts. They sought to destroy the integrity of the frontiers of independence advocacy by investing in slander and character assassination campaigns against them.

The first missile in the arsenal of European imperialists, who had long held political power in Africa, was to tarnish the reputation and character of the newly elected Black leaders. They aimed to downplay the importance of self-rule or amplify the unfounded assumption that Black people were not intelligent enough to govern themselves. This became the most potent instrument with which they could destabilize the country and justify the various instances of oppression that they had institutionalized for centuries.

On the assumption of office by the Black leaders, led by Nelson Mandela, the first series of allegations was corruption and abuse of power. The imperialists believed that if they amplified the accusations of misappropriation against these leaders, they could erode their credibility and create enough instability to derail their leadership. This strategy was intended to distract the Black leaders and drag them into a political quagmire. Remarkably, Mandela did not give this distraction the anticipated attention because he understood the underlying politics that produced the hate. He knew the allegations were made maliciously to castrate their political and leadership power and render them useless in the general scheme of things. However, it became crucial for these leaders to clear the air and dismantle the negative perceptions deliberately created as a trap.

Whether truthful or not, it became evident that the masterminds behind these unfounded allegations were mindless about the veracity of their claims. Their goal was to continue with specific authority such that anyone who listened to their claims would be whitewashed to see things from their prejudiced perspective. This explains why the accusers continue to brandish the media to change the narrative about the incorruptibility of emerging African leaders.

Thabo Mbeki recounts how they faced baseless accusations, such as money laundering from buying specific necessities for the country. These claims were unfounded but also malicious and dangerous, lacking any evidence to back them up. Mbeki intones that despite correcting these dangerous narratives, they were not given the necessary attention as the accusers kept running to the media to lend credibility to their allegations.

However, Mbeki and his leadership team did not allow this to sway them, fully aware of their responsibilities and the intent behind these attacks. They discovered that the erstwhile political overlords intended to destroy the integrity of the new African leaders, sowing doubt among the people so that they could reconsider having white leaders remain in critical positions. Where possible, the imperialists wanted to retain their dominance and continue to exploit the people who had long suffered under colonial rule.

Meanwhile, an investigative body established to conduct independent findings found no evidence to substantiate the allegations and could not come up with anything to indict the leaders. Mbeki mentions that the dirty politics of deliberately trashing the reputation of the emerging Black African leaders was designed to achieve different objectives. For one, the former rulers feared that the new government would confront and expose the destructive legacies initiated by the earlier white leaders during apartheid. Fearing accountability for their past wrongdoings, they resorted to aggressively spreading fake information to mischaracterize the African leaders in the new world.

The reconfiguration of human society into a default setting, especially after enduring rounds of brutal, exclusionary leadership, was ultimately tricky and complex for people to understand. It requires immense sacrifice and the willingness to endure character assassination and negative portrayals. The emerging Black leaders in South Africa recognized this potential and accepted the responsibility of being the first African leaders in a postcolonial context. Their commitment to bring about change was rooted in the understanding that unless people stood up to the colonial imperialists–who were relentlessly focused on exploiting both the people and resources–there was a high possibility that the oppressive leadership style of the former white rulers would continue.

Mbeki believes that the redemption of their name lies in the hands of the masses, who have been tremendously helpful during their journey to South Africa’s future. He is convinced that people understand and identify with their struggles. While the campaign of calumny may be spread by the people for provincial objectives, the foundation of their society must be built on truth. Unwavering truthfulness protects their integrity in the eyes of the people.

Honesty is the key to winning the hearts of the masses who have faced detrimental challenges in deciding who truly represents their interests. Mbeki understands that the masses have faced a flood of misinformation about them, especially the baseless accusations of misappropriating public funds. However, he trusts in the people’s ability to see through the tactics of the oppressors who have long endangered them through exploitation. Despite how fast contemptuous information spread, they needed to continue the path of their actions to restore the glory of the country that had been severely bastardized. Black leaders in South Africa have faced numerous challenges, but none as damaging as the displaced and recurring accusations of misappropriating public funds.

 PS: This is a 12-part series based on the collections edited by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, titled ANC Today Letters: The Ideas and Thoughts of President Thabo Mbeki, Volume 1, 2001-2004, supplemented by materials in the Thabo Mbeki Museum, UNISA, Pretoria. The series is composed over five weeks in three different countries. The museum’s resources, digitized under 27 categories, can generate over 200 books.

Continue Reading

Top Stories