Opinion
Molefi Asante: Breathing Africa, Living Blackness
Published
3 years agoon
THE TOYIN FALOLA INTERVIEWS
A CONVERSATION WITH MOLEFI ASANTE, PART 1
By
Toyin Falola
Em hotep nefer weret!
I have listened to his lectures. I have served on committees with him. I have read his books. I have adopted many of his ideas reworked into Black liberationist thoughts. He has taught me as much as I have taught his works and ideas in classes for over forty years. I have reviewed his books. I have evaluated his manuscripts for publishers. I have gone to Temple University on multiple occasions, the last time to give a lecture on “the construction of words” to his graduate class. I have been asked to endorse the use of his name for two major prizes named after him. When I heard that he wanted to criticize the emerging concept of decoloniality, I did not mind that the venue was in Pretoria, South Africa, far away from my base in Austin, United States. His fans awaited him in Pretoria, and the hall was packed full. The lecture was provocative.
Molefi, the brave Asante
He does not call color red as blue
A brave deity
Who says it as it is
Who does not call a bad thing a good thing.
The knowledgeable one
One that sees everything
He understands the dawn and the sunset
The priest of wisdom.
I’ve been to many strange homes,
But none like Nubia, the home of Asante
Where nature is beautifully alive.
I’ve tasted the milk of other lands,
None matches that of mother Africa,
The Black Egypt
Where Molefi was born bright.
The great philosopher came;
Saw the future in Africa
He took her and showed her the part of life
Gave her everything needed to forge on;
Blessed is Mother Africa,
With great heritage and culture
Blessed is Molefi,
For keeping the culture, as the name bares.
A super communicator, passion comes with his words, as if the Yemoja, the preeminent goddess of the sea, comes out of the Atlantic Ocean in Bahia to deliver a message from Orunmila, the god of divination. Energy defines his engagement, like Sango, the god of thunder and lightning, issuing majestic commands. Conclusions must be revisited, and Asante turns into that powerful god of the crossroads, Eṣu, whose name must not be called in vain. The past lives in him, the living Pharaoh in the Black World. In another era, Asante would have been transformed into a god and venerated. There are no two people like him. Divide a city into two: one half belongs to Molefi and the other half to Asante!
Conversations around African knowledge productions and the audacity to lay claim to it without being intimidated by the imposing frame of the Western epistemic system would have generally been impossible without the irrevocable commitment of some dedicated persons. Africa was confronted with the demanding tasks of challenging the webs of misconception and the desperate identity assassination that the imperialists dragged them to in the prelude to and aftermath of colonialism. This identity shaming, it must be emphasized, was considered a strategy for which the people would not only be conquered in all dimensions―politically, culturally, socially, economically, and maybe philosophically―but would also be the foundational justification for the subjection of the people to the deprecatory experience they faced during the period of colonization.
Africans were innocent, ignorant of the possible dangers inherent in being conquered by the imperialists, and not prescient enough to foresee what their future would look like with the history of the European expansionism dotting their evolutionary process. The damage was done, and colonial engagements within the 100 years when it held the continent by the jugular shattered, damaged, and trashed all the progress that the Black people had made before the colonizers invaded them. This damage was more debilitating for reasons that are not unconnected to the fact that even when the victims of colonization, Africans, this time around, were dragged to the ground of dishonor, they were practically unaware that the colonially erected institutions left in the wake of colonial imperialism would carry the mark of disrespect, and continue to serve as the agency to sustain the molestation and prostitution of the African image.
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After years of anger, the motivation to challenge the age-long calumny overtook a generation of Africans, to which Asante belongs. They began to counter Western fiction with fact, challenge European biases with catharsis, and, more importantly, correct wrong notions with sound knowledge. In the group of African intellectuals who embraced this call to duty is Asante, providing solid and unwavering academic insights that replaced ignorance with knowledge, changing the revisionist information with verifiable information, and substituting jaundiced views with relatively objective perspectives about Africa and Africans.
Asante became an intimidating posture in the academic wave of resistance that is tagged Afrocentrism. The movement began in the mid-21st century as a potent force erected to counter the existing derogation of Africans by the West, eventually becoming an interdisciplinary thing in the long run.
Dubbed as among the most prolific African-American scholars of all time, this intellectual figure has cracked the knot that was considered impossible and made landmark accomplishments in academic waves where his sound contributions enthuse the occupants of the imagined center. There is an infinite possibility, Asante argues, what Africa and Africans represent if they function effectively without hindrance. That many black people do not exude the expected confidence to challenge established biases in the academic, political, or economic systems is a condition facilitated by the colonizers’ watertight efforts to keep them eternally repressed in their deplorable conditions.
It cannot be contested that Africa has contributed meaningfully to the human race and has made impressive landmarks in many areas before the ascension of the European power. Underestimating the continent continues because they have refused to stand up for themselves and make impressive development in areas where they have all been badmouthed. But then there is Asante, who persistently challenges this negative view of black people, from Lagos to New York, not with emotions this time around but with educative works and insight that set straight the records that have been wrongly stated in the first place. We must credit people like Asante for setting the pace and raising the bar and for the effective wave of resistance in all fields.
Molefi Kete Asante has published widely, and his body of works has changed the narratives of the African and black people for good. Central to his academic engagement is promoting African/black interests to repudiate the damaging misconceptions and assassinations of the African image and identity. In his recent publication in 2020, with his scholarly work titled The Afrocentric Pan Africanist Vision, this prolific scholar discusses the vision of the people about what they have in the contemporary time. He argues that the current situation of the people does not in any way represent who they are, and being victims of the history of colonization does not in any way have the possibility of running them aground forever. For Asante, the Pan Africanist vision is shaped by the accumulated experiences that the people have been challenged by in recent or distant times. In other words, the determination to make Africa distinct from the rest of the world is informed by the awareness that they would continue to face predatory temptations by the civilizations that have attained technological and economic transformation if they did not solidify themselves and begin to put in place the needed transformative energies.
It is essential to picture an African future reflective of their true self and capable of accommodating other civilizations without sacrificing their African identity in the process. This means that such a future holds the potential to transform the continent nearly in all conceivable ways. There would be a level of economic self-reliance and technological transformation which would align with their ideological and philosophical principles without necessarily taking away their political beliefs, freedom, and identity. This vision means that the continent would be expediently independent of all the vested interests who have fleeced the continent for ages under different guises. They were considered less technologically advanced, so they were suppressed by the European imperialists and lost nearly all their resources to external civilizations that came to encroach on them for generations. In essence, Asante, in The Afrocentric Pan Africanist Vision, talks about the importance of having this vision and emphasizes more the need to prepare for creating a civilization that can birth and sustain this system. Africa deserves freedom, not only of any political imposition that comes from all civilizations who believe that their economic development should be an automatic ticket for abusing Africa but also of the socioeconomic entanglement they have helplessly found themselves in the recent years.
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A very devoted observer of Asante’s academic engagements would notice that not only does he appear to create a breathtaking relationship between his work, but he also makes them appear like an academic work in series. One would be marveled by the close relationship between the work identified above and the one he produced some five years preceding it. In his work, The African Pyramids of Knowledge, this preeminent scholar of inestimable intellectual capacity is unequivocally direct about the fecundity of Africa in knowledge production and value creation. To be candid, there would be no reliable vision for a continent that does not have good intellectual resources on which they can depend for the transformation of themselves and the dislocation of baseless narratives created to keep them under perpetual repression. The knowledge base of the people is used in the management of their society, and this accounts for the enhancement of the identity despite century-long pillaging and deprecatory encounters with the external civilizations. In this work, Asante argues that contrary to the assumption that blacks were devoid of critical thinking and are a strange bedfellow to productive engagement, numerous historical and cultural accomplishments are evident in their greatness even until contemporary time.
Meanwhile, one year before that, in 2014, this same intellectual giant premiered the book titled The History of Africa, which gives sufficient information about the past experiences of Africa and Africans. It is nearly impossible to talk about the African knowledge pyramid without knowing about the people’s history. This indicates that the book written by the sage in 2015 on Africa’s knowledge production and systems is backed by the history, foundation, and past events of the people across all aspects of human endeavor. The History of Africa serves to place in perspective the past experiences and records of the people. For example, the book talks about how the people organized themselves into different political groups using systems that favored and worked for them in the political domain. The decision to organize a political strategy is informed by the knowledge that they demanded very organized structures to enhance their collective progress. If they did not have a robust template for the political system across the continent, the possibility of arranging themselves would not only be slim; it would also be very hard. Asante’s book explains this aspect of human history that they lived before the ascension of Europeans, Arabs, and even during their post-settlement in the continent.
More than it addressed their political past, the book, The History of Africa, also concentrates on the African cultural and religious systems. There seem to be unending ill-conceived generalizations that many civilizations have made concerning Africans, including but not limited to the assumption that the African people were not intellectually evolved to build cultural traditions that are vibrant enough for contemporary times. It would have come as a surprise for people who do not understand the deep-seated connections between colonialism and these narratives. Still, people who understand the underlying Eurocentric agenda from such a position know that it was an attempt to rubbish the continent and justify the corresponding political overtake they later introduced. As much as we understand that such a position lacks a strong background, there would be no way of challenging the impression if individuals do not make necessary and befitting efforts to counter these positions. However, there is no need to panic because people like Asante continue to fumigate the lies against Africans for centuries with facts and figures about their past that can be confirmed by research and replicable scholarship. Essentially, The History of Africa addresses nearly all the aspects of the life of the people and how they did evolve as other peoples of the world did in their various cultural and political experiences.
Asante’s academic contributions do not exclusively center on Afrocentrism. He also has many works that address thematically different yet intellectually complementing themes. For one, this scholar has written essentially on race issues and discussed how the concept had generated more than necessary controversies in the academic world. His writings on race have developed to an edition-by-edition engagement where the idea of racism is looked at from different angles, all of which add to the contemporary understanding of the politics and motivations behind the division of the world along racial lines.
Titled Erasing Racism: The Social Survival of American Nation, the 2009 edition addresses racism and how it has polarized the American society beyond imagination and repair. The American society, it seems, is founded on a philosophy of othering where those who do not come from America or do not express their ideological beliefs are considered less critical, if not less human. To the extent that the society has institutionalized a master-subordinate relationship among their people, they have continued to place themselves beyond others, even unconsciously. Therefore, the book states the different dimensions that racism has taken in American society and how the oppressed groups have made substantial efforts to adapt and protect themselves in the process.
The book, which comes as a recommendation to the international community, instigates more questions than it appears to answer. Asante argues that the African-Americans are overwhelmed and are gradually losing themselves to the carnage of racism. Their identity, cultural traditions, history, and social system are victims of persistent verbal abuse, so much that they do not understand how and where they can begin to challenge the racist prejudices that have faced them from time immemorial. That is the level at which they have degenerated in recent history. Eradicating racism begins with accepting that society has been lopsidedly arranged across racial lines from a distant time. This would put people in the right frame of mind to understand how the white race, the privileged ones in the American society, have enjoyed series of benefits, advantages, and privileges to the detriment of some other people in the society, specifically and the world generally. In this awareness and acceptance, they would begin to correct the age-long anomaly consciously. Without following this systematic path, it would be difficult to talk about putting an end to racism, which has overtaken American society.
In 1971, Asante published a book that seemed to clarify the justification of the same theme covered in the above work. Titled How to Talk to People of Other Races, the book brings up the issue of plural identities and cultural diversities that exist in human engagements. There is the general impression that people would be different in their racial and cultural disposition, though this does not mean that they would not have reasons to depend on one another or forge a strong network of alliance. However, this dependence would be determined by people’s communication when dealing with individuals from different cultural backgrounds. Therefore, the language of communicating with individuals of different races must be respectful. In other words, talk, which is personified as the form of exchanges between people of different races, must be such that the integrity of some people is not threatened or their identity molested. How to Talk to People of Other Races shows that the responsibility of submerging racism stands on the agreement to stem its tide by the people who are important as far as the need to forge a common bond is concerned.
Additionally, it would come as no surprise that this man of inestimable intellectual brilliance is duly recognized far and wide in the world for his outstanding contributions to knowledge production. Apart from being awarded professorate honor in different academic environments, namely, Zhejiang University (2007-2010) and the University of South Africa (2009-present), he has also bagged for himself honors that befit the intellectual greatness he represents. The protruding accolade for which he has been associated reflects the assumption that his contributions do not in any way go without making a substantial impact.
For a man who teaches in the United States, there is no doubt that he has registered a lasting place for Africans in Africa and even in the Western world. Asante’s intellectual activities promote rather than demote African image in places where they have suffered grandstanding and monumental shaming. There is no place in the world where the influence of Asante’s work has not spread to. Asante’s works have served as points of reference and motivation for drawing different academic strategies for upholding the African image across different African countries. Evidently, the recognition he has attracted over time is long overdue.
Beyond the activism in academics, Asante has participated in different involvements that have to do with redeeming Africa’s dented image and restoring its identity in all fora. He once served as the coordinator of diaspora intellectuals, Pan African Scientific Council, African Union, all in 2009, where he promoted quality and excellence that skyrocketed the values of the associations. Interestingly, Asante founded an academic institute, the National Afrocentric Institute, in 1989, and its creation became an instant success across the board. All these establishments he created or where he serves as a member witness immediate transformation because he is conscious about their advancement. He is also a driving force paving the way for them through his intellectual productions.
It cannot be emphasized enough how this philosopher has motivated people who decide to retrace their steps to discover their true African identity. Asante has shown pride in the continent of Africa through his academic involvement and in the various sociopolitical groups he belongs. When academics talk about his greatness, they do not over bloat his importance; when they mention his contributions, they merely state the values he represents. Asante has already won for himself a beautiful place in the knowledge production about the African people. He has expanded the African-American academic engagement magically and retrieved for them the lost image of their ancestors.
Rather than be fazed by the intimidation of others who have considered themselves the general standard for knowledge artistry, Asante has mastered the way to popularize his ideas through the agency of academic engagement. The redefinition of African literature, culture, and history speak for him in decibel that cannot be fully consumed in the annals of history. From political science to historical scholarship, scientific engagements, and professional researches, Asante has roared deeply, and his voice has spread to places one cannot readily predict. He is a dedicated human to the cause and actions he believes in. There has been no time when he backed down from the ideological convictions he is identified with. In the academic industry, he is recognized for the outstanding efforts he makes to advance the collective aspirations and goals of the people.
Asante
The immortal man
Born before our black eyes,
The magical writer,
Touching the marrows of men,
Forever may you live.
No one hears the death of a hoe
You will not die
No one hears the death of cloths
You will stay till the world’s end
No one hears the death of the land
You are covered.
Asante
The man of the people
Who grants rights as privileges
The kind, humble and gentle-hearted
Who sits among the living skeletons
The hero of our people,
May all your wishes be accepted by the gods.
Aṣe!
Please join us for a conversation with an eminent professor and philosopher, Molefi Kete Asante.
Sunday, September 19, 2021
5:00 PM Nigeria
4:00 PM GMT
11:00 AM Austin CST
Register and Watch:
https://www.tfinterviews.com/post/molefi-asante
Join via Zoom:
https://us02web.zoom.us/j/85124202652
Watch on Facebook:
https://www.facebook.com/tfinterviews/live
Watch on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC2lvX7A2iVndiCq0NfFcb0w/live
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Felix Oboagwina
Comrade, Congratulations ooo!
What’s up, Man? Why are you congratulating me? It’s not my birthday till September.
You should also tell me congratulations nevertheless!
I really need good news. What happened? Why are we exchanging congratulations?
Petrol price has dropped from four digits to three digits. Shame on doubting Thomases like you! Petrol is no longer N1,200; it is now N925.
Continue to be self-delusional! News flash: All petrol stations in this our neighbourhood are still displaying N1,045 per litre.
They will adjust their meters downwards, latest, tomorrow morning. Hooray!
Hooray kill you there! You know what is worrying you and most Nigerians?
Tell us o, Mister Doubting Thomas. What is “wronging” with us?
Stockholm Syndrome! You have been raped for so long that you have fallen in love with your rapist.
Asusu beke! Oyinbo! Mister Grammarian: Which one is Stockholm Syndrome? Let me Google it. Here it is: Stockholm Syndrome is a psychological theory that explains why hostages or victims may develop positive feelings towards their captors or abusers. This can lead to the victim defending or identifying with the captor, and may also include negative feelings towards authorities attempting to rescue them. The term originated from a 1973 bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden, where hostages developed an emotional bond with their captors instead of being hostile.
You Nigerians will celebrate a little gain from your oppressors when you have lost so, so much. Before your hero took over power on May 29, 2023, the price of petrol was N195. Then, someone opened his big mouth, waaaah, and said: SUBSIDY IS GONEYou! No strategy! No modus operandi! No incentive! No structure! Nothing! Before you could say JACK ROBINSON, predictably, the price reacted and fuel skyrocketed to N550 per litre. Today they sell for N1,045 minimum! Then these same Shylocks shave off less than N100 from that bogus price and you wave your tails like starving dogs handed a meatless bone.
What is wrong with celebrating what you call “little gains?”
By Toyin Falola
The reelection of Donald Trump and his return to the White House on January 20, 2025, have spurred debates regarding the consequences this new chapter in the leadership of the United States could have for the state of international relations. Although many analysts are focused on how this change in power would affect trade, security, and environmental policies in the United States, there is also a parallel discussion on the effects on developing continents like Africa. Not surprisingly, officials, academics, and global strategists from many African nations are beginning to examine how a Trump-led new government might either reinterpret long-standing ties, challenge diplomatic norms, or bring fresh accords that redefine present inter-relations.
Trump’s first term, marked by a foreign policy favoring bilateral treaties over multilateral ones, has already caused cautious expectations among African leaders to be aroused. For decades, many African nations have been fostering a range of security and economic ties to the United States, with many of these alliances undergoing recalibrations that did not always benefit the continent. Trump’s one-sided view of trade, framed by the “America First” notion, deviates from his predecessors’ traditional approach.
African governments have aggressively sought various foreign partners over the past decade to increase the range of commercial and financial investment portfolios. China, Russia, Turkey, and the European Union are among the significant forces leaving their traces over the continent. This broad spectrum of interests has contributed to a crowded field where African states engage in diplomatic balancing acts—sometimes using rivalry among international powers to secure favorable agreements. Following Donald Trump’s victory, there has been a lot of speculation on how the US government would either choose to intensify its rivalry with China in African nations or pursue selective cooperation to help offset Beijing’s influence.
The uniquely personal approach of the Trump administration, where public comments might overnight alter the tone of a relationship, accentuated this sense of unease. Africans who follow US politics recall remarks referring to various countries on the continent in less than favorable terms that sparked general indignation and questions about whether such rhetoric foretold a more general policy move away from previously friendly connections. Critics claimed it was ready to give more obvious headline issues elsewhere top priority over African challenges. Some African officials responded by deciding to increase their interactions with other partners. China invests significantly in African infrastructure and resource extraction and has been the most apparent gainer of this recalibration. Russia also became more visible, particularly in arms purchases and security training; Turkey and the Gulf countries expanded their commercial presence in specific areas. Analysts hope for consistency in that inclination for one-on-one deals over broad multilateral commitments as the Trump White House prepares to retake the front stage.
Initially low on Trump’s agenda, the African Growth and Opportunity Act—which provides duty-free access for a range of goods—is under increasing debate among experts about whether it might be subjected to fresh scrutiny or even a significant overhaul forcing African nations to renegotiate on more reciprocal terms. Few would dispute that such conversations might be intimidating for smaller nations lacking the same negotiating power as more developed governments.
Simultaneously, nations with more substantial industrial and resource bases could use this climate to draw attention and investment, hoping to find deals granting them privileged access to American markets. These debates generally center on how Washington may compromise between lowering its overseas obligations and meeting its desire to compete with China.
Although Sino-American competition is now a theater for Africa, Trump’s approach thus far has been to attack Beijing more directly rather than devoting significant funds to match Chinese investments in freeways, train lines, or industrial parks throughout the continent. Under Trump, Washington would choose focused projects that support specific American economic or security goals instead of massive infrastructure schemes, maybe emphasizing strategic minerals, oil reserves, or technologically driven sectors. African countries that find those industries needing finance, knowledge, or technology support can profit from this strategy. Still, whether the second Trump government will seek to create more appealing frameworks for African growth or try to limit Chinese entry is unclear.
The field of security cooperation generates particularly strong conjecture. While openly expressing an intention to lower the total military presence worldwide, the Pentagon did retain or even increase some operations against terrorist organizations like al-Shabaab in Somalia during Trump’s previous term.Increased drone strikes and special operations in various conflict areas sparked discussions on whether such tactics enhanced long-term stability or only served to limit threats for a given period. Though experts advise a closer mix of economic and humanitarian aid to solve the underlying causes of extremism, observers predict that the trend will continue. Some African leaders worry that a laser focus on military action could eclipse important initiatives aiming at social services, government reforms, and young employment.
In the middle of this global emphasis, several analysts advise African countries to create a collective strategy that clearly and succinctly outlines their objectives for the next four years and sets their priorities. Depending on the situation, this could mean improving already-existing treaties or rewriting them under fresh conditions needing more African negotiator involvement. Establishing closer cooperation with colleagues from non-Western nations could also help guard against the volatility emanating from Washington. Should the second term of President Trump go in unexpected directions or impose policies on trade and aid that African governments find objectionable, this kind of preparedness could help offer a margin of stability.
Critics warn that depending too much on ad hoc solutions would expose African governments to abrupt policy changes or budgetary constraints.
Besides, many African analysts believe that a Trump-led White House might inspire Africa to engage in more coordinated initiatives on issues including continental free trade, intra-African tourism, and industrial policy cooperation. These people believe that if African countries see a decline in funding or an unclear commitment from the United States government, it might encourage a stronger push towards self-sufficiency and a stronger integration of the continent. Though the African Union has been pushing for such objectives for a reasonable time, there have been cases when real growth lags behind the rhetoric. Competing national interests, a restricted budget, and ongoing conflicts between neighboring nations have all contributed to this. Still, some believe that a resurrected Trump government—known for its unpredictable behavior and limited approach to involvement—would ironically give African leaders the shock they need to express themselves more firmly in their quest for unification. They argue that a more unified Africa would give the continent a stronger voice in international debates and shield it from the outside shocks that could arise whenever a dominant partner changes its course of action or withdraws some advantages.
Those focusing on economic alliances believe Africa is at a crossroads. Rapid urbanization, a rising young population, and untapped innovation ecosystems throughout the continent present rich ground for investment in various industries, from technology enterprises to agribusiness. American-based companies have occasionally shown a will to seize these possibilities, especially in countries that have invested in dependable broadband infrastructure and offer legal frameworks supporting global collaboration.
The Trump administration’s attitude toward lowering foreign aid and emphasizing financial returns over broad-based development may cause investors to prioritize profitable sectors like mining or oil over essential investments in education or healthcare. Critics of such a selective approach worry that it could lead to temporary economic bubbles, mainly benefiting a tiny number of elites while leaving normal people behind. Some critics warn about this danger here. Conversely, many people think that Trump’s inclination for haggling over large sums of money could inspire him to search for high-impact initiatives with quick access to clear benefits.
Under the former government, President Trump sought symbolic achievements he could support as proof of effective negotiations on a sporadic basis. If there is an apparent political or financial gain, this approach could match Africa’s significant resources and the appeal of modernizing initiatives. Conversely, people worry that with local businesses playing a secondary role, these agreements might be significantly biased to benefit American companies. Under this situation, many experts are reminded of a time when African countries had to adopt development targets determined by donors and often made significant concessions in return for projects involving industry or infrastructure. There is hope that as African nations keep growing and enhancing their strategic planning, they will become more aggressive and search for alliances with generally positive effects. Utilizing the development of jobs, the dissemination of technology, or the application of local content requirements guaranteeing genuine involvement from African firms, they could try to acquire community buy-in.
Beyond these more general policy issues, the African diaspora in the United States has become a powerful economic and cultural link influencing African impressions of American political events. Diaspora groups engage in local businesses, send billions of dollars in remittances to their own countries, and frequently travel back and forth to foster economic relations and entrepreneurial activity. Should Trump’s immigration posture tighten, African professionals or students may find it more difficult to sustain these flows, and that disturbance might reverberate throughout fields like healthcare to education. However, if history is anything to go by, the diaspora has shown resiliency despite tight visa policies and has found other paths to stay actively involved with hometowns. Whether the incoming government will recognize the increasing impact of the diaspora or carry on measures some believe to be obstacles to complete integration is yet unknown.
In popular culture, Africa’s deep ties with the United States have created a vibrant exchange of music, film, and digital content. Afro-beat has found devoted fans worldwide, including in American cities. Hollywood, for its part, has begun paying more attention to African audiences and themes. This cultural interplay does not halt when a new president takes office, though it can shift. Creative collaboration may slow if visa restrictions tighten or specific cultural exchange programs lose official support. Yet social media platforms have proven immensely effective in bridging gaps, allowing African creators to reach American fans without extensive institutional backing. As a result, cultural links often flourish despite political differences, and everyday people continue to forge relationships that bypass formal channels.
Those who see international diplomacy from a more expansive perspective believe the competitive conflict between the US and China will always influence African leaders’ stance. Already transforming skylines, port cities, and industrial zones are ambitious infrastructure projects Beijing supports. Should the American administration deepen or hasten its geopolitical challenge to China, it might give African cities a chance to negotiate better terms. Some viewers who see a future in which Africa can use big power rivalry to guarantee infrastructure improvements, technological transfers, and increased trade channels find that prospect exciting. Others warn that depending too much on one side of a geopolitical conflict could backfire should world powers change their approach or achieve compromise among themselves, therefore marginalizing lesser participants.
In countries grappling with internal conflicts, there is an immediate question of whether American involvement will remain consistent. Some regions rely on steady injections of US humanitarian aid, delivered through partnerships with international organizations, to keep people fed and to support medical facilities in war-torn zones. Should the new Trump administration decide to reduce these humanitarian allocations, local communities may face devastating resource gaps.Non-governmental organizations would need to seek alternative funders or cut programs entirely, leaving displaced populations even more vulnerable. Although a few commentators expect that core humanitarian efforts will persist, especially in crises that capture global headlines, they acknowledge that budgets can be reallocated in unpredictable ways.
At the same time, confident African entrepreneurs and innovators have expressed hope that the United States might favor building private-sector bonds over traditional development assistance. They argue that a business-driven model, though competitive, could promote self-sufficiency and job creation. If American investors look to Africa’s technology hubs for robust returns, this might spur the growth of local ecosystems in fields such as financial technology, e-commerce, and agricultural innovations. Cities like Cape Town and Kigali have drawn international attention for their blooming startup scenes. A second Trump presidency that prizes deal-making might well funnel resources into such areas, especially if they align with emerging US economic interests. Much will depend on whether policymakers in Washington sense an opportunity to nurture the private sector in Africa as an engine of mutual prosperity or whether they decide to clamp down on areas they perceive as less essential.
The most critical concern for ordinary people monitoring daily policy changes is ensuring that agreements developed between Washington and African capitals do not compromise local voices. In areas of the continent that are still experiencing epidemics or underfunded educational institutions, civil society organizations expect uphill challenges over sustaining financing for health and education activities. Humanitarian supporters fear what will happen to refugee populations should the government tighten its international assistance policy. Concurrent with this is a clear will among grassroots activists and non-governmental groups to create more resilient paths by looking for alternative funders or advocating for African governments to protect essential services independent of foreign budgetary decisions.
Inspired by local accomplishments and an administration in Washington that responds to apparent successes, several observers anticipate that new patterns of cooperation may develop during these next few years. The American government will consider whether African entrepreneurs create vibrant technology clusters or regional economic blocs to show that their markets can manage more manufacturing. That will enable Africa to be regarded as a real partner for substantial, mutually beneficial economic projects instead of seeing just through the prism of charity or security support. Though past efforts at such a rebranding have encountered challenges, the convergence of Africa’s dynamic demography, digital development, and global awareness of its potential could generate the impetus needed even though this potential is tempered by the understanding that Trump’s policies might also hinder progress if they result in sudden limits on travel, if they remove essential money for development efforts, or if they reinforce unfavorable perceptions about the continent. Primarily, if harsh language is used once more in the discourse, this worst-case scenario could create an atmosphere of mistrust between the African public and the United States of America. The continent is keeping a close eye on the situation and is currently engaged in heated conversations over what the next four years will bring and the best way to react. Student organizations think tanks, corporate forums, and media outlets continue to get together to discuss, evaluate, and share new points of view on how to turn uncertainty into opportunity.
There is no definitive answer to the question of how to proceed. Africa is not a stage where larger nations merely act out their geopolitical moves; Africa has a lot of activity. There is a patchwork of countries that are resolute in pursuing a fairer share of global prosperity, and the future chapter in the presidency of the United States of America has the potential to either advance or hinder their aspirations. Even though African leaders and populations have developed since then and are now more equipped to deal with the unexpected, Trump’s second term will likely be almost identical to his first term regarding unforeseen twists and big announcements. If they successfully present their arguments within the halls of power and maintain their unwavering dedication to the community’s priorities, they may discover that even a turbulent administration can provide expansion opportunities. This option’s success is contingent on African states’ capacity to successfully coordinate their efforts, preserve social and political stability within their borders, and keep a watchful eye on the long game of ensuring sustained developmental growth.
As the dust settles on the presidential transition in the United States and attention switches to policy announcements from the White House, the ultimate decision regarding Trump’s reelection for Africa will be determined by what comes to fruition. It will interest observers to assess whether trade dialogues increase, whether or not security cooperation results in long-term peace rather than short bursts of activity, and whether or not cultural and educational linkages continue to exist despite any changes in regulatory policies.
When all is said and done, it will take some time to determine how the reinvigorated leadership of the United States under President Trump affects Africa’s march toward greater integration, stronger economies, and more resilient societies. On the other hand, Africa’s trajectory increasingly reflects its vitality and goals, and Washington’s role is simply one piece of the complex puzzle that is Africa’s overall trajectory. Because of this sense of agency, many people continue to have hope. Visionaries resolute in their pursuit to redefine their continent’s position in the international arena are the driving force behind Africa’s success, even in the face of global power maneuvers, local setbacks, or uncertain signals from a new administration. Africa is ready to be not just a beneficiary of decisions about foreign policy but also an influential player influencing worldwide trends. Their voices will shape the discourse as these next four years unfold, reminding the world that Africa is poised to be both receiving and shaping international trends.
Any individual who is committed to a global system that is more just and balanced will find this aim to be resonant. The countries that make up the continent should closely monitor the situation, express their opinions, and adjust as required. By acting in this manner, they are reinforcing the fact that the future of Africa is no longer solely dependent on the desires of a foreign superpower, and the stage is set for a new phase in which Africa and the United States will recalibrate their connections within a bigger and more complex global context. Although nothing can be assured, there is ample room for optimism.
Please join us for a panel discussion with our distinguished panelists, Professors Christopher Isike, Kingsley Makhubela, Ayisah Osori, and Carl LeVan, who will be sharing their expertise on “President Trump and Africa”:
Sunday, January 26, 2025
10 AM Austin // 5 PM Nigeria // 6 PM South Africa
. Falola is Extraordinary Professor of Political Science, University of Pretoria.
By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha
Banji: A speaker speaks no more!
Rita: How poetic! How dramatic!
Uyi: How decisive! Now there will be peace in the world!
Rita: Excuse me. Now you are being sarcastic!
Uyi: In a world of absurdities, it is sarcasm that keeps one sane!
Rita: It has been poetic to me, anyway. That’s my opinion.
Banji: What is poetic? The language or the experience?
Rita: Both, I believe. Lessons in hubris. The power of power, the failure of power. The wheel came full circle for a man consumed by innate arrogance.
Banji: One of the lessons of power. A recurring one.
Rita: But man never seems to learn. He has always been a victim of pride and will continue to be forever and ever.
Uyi: But you have both joined the bandwagon and pronounced the man guilty without giving him fair hearing. Why was he impeached while he was away to the United States?
Banji: Hahahaha! To reduce bloodshed, perhaps, you know! To prevent counter forces from laying an ambush.
Rita: Does it matter really?
Banji: But speaking seriously, why didn’t Strongman Mudasiru Obasa get wind of his impending fall and rally his troops?
Rita: He was strong only when the forces of power allowed him to be. This, he didn’t realize. Now, he can’t disburse any largesse. His visitors will be very few now.
Rita: Besides, did he have troops? I think he had offended too many people in the long ten years in power, from June 2015 to January 2025. He is alleged to have routinely disrespected the governor.
Uyi: He must have been a fool if he did that. State-appointed or elected officials must know the difference between the man and the office. The occupant is a tenant, but the seat is forever. A Speaker who disrespects the Governor disrespects the people, disrespects the entire Executive branch of government.
Okoro: Then why did he last for so long in that position?
Banji: Very many reasons. He was simply indulged by the powerful persons in government. The report is that when he offended the inner caucus of the governance in the state, he had to go. It is said that on the cabinet list last presented by the governor, he pushed, shoved, blocked, and shook up the list until they made concessions. He even initially rejected a candidate who was backed by Abuja.
Uyi: In my view, if a man is accused of an offence, he must be given the opportunity to defend himself according to the articles of impeachment.
Banji: Impeachment is essentially a political process; not a legal one. That is to say, once the establishment declares you unfit, they will cook, manufacture, import, and concoct reasons to get you out. Fair hearing is not part of the bargain!
Rita: Let us consider all the impeachments in our nation’s history, starting from Alhaji Balarabe Musa’s experience in 1981 in the Second Republic. Balarabe Musa was in an impossible position because the House of Assembly was NPN-dominated while he was in PRP. They could not agree on a list of Commissioners. To throw him out, he was accused of corruption though that man was above board. Ayo Fayose in 2006, Peter Obi in 2006, Joshua Dariye in 2006, Oyo State governor Rashidi Ladoja in 2006, Bayelsa State Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in 2005, and Murtala Nyako of Adamawa state 2014 were all victims of impeachment.
Okoro: Since 1999, about sixteen deputy governors have been impeached in Nigeria also. From Lagos state we have Femi Pedro and Kofoworola, Iyiola Omisore (Osun) Chris Ekpenyong (Akwa Ibom), Abiodun Aluko and Biodun Olujimi (Ekiti) Garba Gadi (Bauchi). Phillip Shaibu was the 17th deputy governor to be impeached in Nigeria once he fell out with the incumbent governor.
Rita: Lagos is now on the list of twenty states where speakers have been impeached since 1999. Victor Idoro in Edo State was removed in 2016 by 16 of 24 members. He had been accused of highhandedness. Significantly he was replaced by a female speaker. Frank Okiye of Edo state in 2020), Rita Madunagu of Anambra in 2018, Adamu Musa of Niger State in 2015, and Goni Ali Modu of Borno state in 2012. In 2021, Abok Ayuba was impeached by 16 out of 24 legislators in Plateau state, Abubakar Ibrahim of Gombe state in 2020. In Delta state, Victor Ochei was removed in 2014 while Monday Igbuya faced the music in 2017. A couple of others were impeached from office. So, it’s not new.
Uyi: You have become an expert in the history of impeachments!
Rita: Hahahahaha! I’m a journalist, so, I should know.
Okoro: Impeachments have nothing to do with justice. It is a political weapon that is deployed to get rid of a political liability. Period.
Banji: Loyalty is important in politics in Nigeria.
Okoro: Loyalty my foot! What the Nigerian politician calls loyalty is spurious. It means a mentee or political associate must not hold views that are contrary to the position of so-called godfathers. You will run into problems if you display ambitions not supported by the big oga. The gist around town is that Obasa felt he was strong enough to aspire to the Lagos throne without the support of the powers-that-be.
Banji: A speaker speaks no more!
Rita: How are the mighty fallen!
Uyi: The state governor has distanced himself from the impeachment saga. Claims that the House did its own plans.
Banji: Tell that to the marines. There is no way a speaker can be impeached without the knowledge and consent of the state governor. A consensus must have been reached in conjunction with the Jagaban in Abuja before the exercise.
Rita: Whatever they do, they must remember the masses, the ordinary people of the state who need support. Impeachments will not tar the streets. Impeachment will not put food on the table. Impeachment will not increase power supply. Impeachment will not give hope to the poor. It is an intraclass struggle which the real owners of the state will not benefit from. I rest my case!
Banji: Gbam! Your case is well rested!